Thank you Ms Bus Driver

I live for public transit. I am constantly learning my way among trains and subways to make traveling across the City and State and across State lines in which to expedite and in turn travel safely and cheaply. I don’t mind renting a car but with the price of fuel it is not worth the hassle to worry about it, parking and the rest. I grew up taking the 5 Phinney in Seattle and when you grow up using public transit you realize the convenience and affordability it offers. And then you read about the Subway stabbings, shootings and other problems that are a secondary plague affecting mass transit across the country. For the record, this is not new it is just expanded as the homeless, the deeply mentally ill have found themselves literally stranded in cities across the country in search of, well I have no clue what brought them to San Francisco, Los Angeles, Nashville, Seattle, New York and the city of Denver which this story is about. I do not believe they got there and in turn found themselves unable to be employed, find housing and/or went on a binge of drugs and alcohol to the point they have lost all functioning. This is a slide that starts out slow, out of a crisis and then over time (a time frame that can be weeks to days to months to years) they finally collapsed into the heap you see on your local corners, under freeway underpasses and anywhere they can lay their head.

Yesterday I read of another recall effort in San Francisco regarding their current City Attorney, the job VP Kamala Harris had during her time there which she frankly did not better than the current job she has. I am not a fan of Ms Harris, style over substance and with that I will move on. But the City has always been a haven for many. There is a strong Asian population, the Latin community of the Mission district, of course the Gay Community and many other Bohemian types drawn by the liberal politics and the stunning beauty this city of 49 square miles brings. And with it there are many good memories I have of the area, having lived in Berkeley and Oakland as well over the course of a decade. But like my home of Seattle, I am done with the West Coast and am fine with that decision. There is a passive aggressive nature to the persona of the Coastal Elites that make the passive aggressive behavior of Southerners seem almost quaint if not just a quirk of the region. And trust me the South invented it but Seattle perfected it. And yes it exists here but it is more in a sense of entitlement and arrogance that makes sense if you lived here. Like corruption it is just an accepted part of the way of life. I find it highly entertaining on most days. Think Chris Christie and Bill DiBlasio if they were Gay and Anna Delvey was their daughter and they came to your Pride Party and were the last to leave. You would reconsider having another party next year or at least the guest list.

San Francisco the last time I visited was four years ago and it was already descending into madness. The amount of Tech companies that have moved in and up were making The City (and btw that is how the pretentious in San Francisco refer to the city as “The City) unaffordable if not undesirable. The Pot Shops were aplenty and of course the cool food spots and hipster hangouts were everywhere now as opposed to just a few locales. The great funky hotels almost gone, other than my favorite The Phoneix in the Tenderloin which is where I always stay as it has a pool, great food and is the last of the era in a city that struggles to balance the past with the present. I would not stay there now it is simply not safe enough to walk alone if at all. With that now what was confined to spots and some blocks has permeated the City and made it all unsafe and utterly filthy. The City already recalled some of the School Board Members this last year and now the City Attorney is finding himself the target of ire of those sick of what is across every city today – crime. It is why NYC elected the moron Eric Adams as Mayor as he was a former Cop and promised he would not defund the Police and with that crime is still a major problem. Go figure. He is a moron. Utterly hilarious but still a walking moron. Okay a swaggering moron. They will not recall him as people don’t here, we either wait for a scandal that forces them to quit or wait to vote them out. Our Mayor here in Jersey City wisely keeps crime data under lock and key so the allusion of safety is here despite I am sure is not safe. Our Mayor is invisible if not inaccessible as frankly he is busy planning running for the Governor’s office and opening up a pot shop in Hoboken. Well, a good back up plan is always essential. He ran unopposed and the pandemic enabled that to do so with ease as most of our residents are largely Immigrants and likely unable to vote, have no real vested interest in local politics and with that it makes keeping the status quo just that. People fear, well everything, but change is on the list as well.

But as you read the story below about the Denver Bus Driver her story is not a new or unique story. It is, again, a major problem everywhere. But the sheer level of her coping strategies, her own determination to succeed is impressive. I feel the same way when I work in the schools. I am invisible, alone and spend hours just sitting there and if I don’t get abused I consider it a good day. Imagine going to work, no one knowing your name, addressing you with common courtesy and the endless parade of troubled individuals coming in and out of your workplace, be that a classroom or a bus, which you have to account for and handle. I will never forget that Bitch Admin at Ferris and the way she spoke to me those times that led me to call the suicide hotline, that was when I realized I had the power to never set foot in that school again. And as the year ends I have not. We will see in the fall. But the coping strategies of the Driver I get, I walk, I cry, I find healing through alternative means and I get up and do it again with the belief that this is another day. Not a bad one nor a good one, just another one. And we are the invisible work force and the same goes for the homeless, the unhoused, the troubled, the mentally ill and the many who are simply on the fringes. We all share that sense of not being seen and in turn acknowledged nor respected for any of that which we do, but what we are seen for is for what we FAIL to do.

And while we can recall our Politicians and demand them to do something, we really have no clue what is to be done. We are fine with the clutching of pearls and hands and we can navigate around it until it encroaches now to our doorstep, then suddenly it does become our problem. And then we again demand those we elected to fix “it” be “it” guns, homeless, drugs etc. What we don’t realize that the Pol has already made the call to move onto a new house, a bigger job and the can will get kicked down the road. When I lived in San Francisco, the Governor Gavin Newsom was the Mayor. Kamala the City Attorney. Then it was his campaign of “Care not Cash” to stop the tide of vagrancy and tragedy that existed on the streets. It was the same as it is now just different. They now live in bigger houses with bigger jobs. The reality is that we are the ones who must do something and that is perhaps accept that what was then is not now. The same things that drew you there are not the reasons others are there. Sex, drugs and rock and roll have a place but maybe in memories not in the streets. The Folsom Street fair a bizarre weekend festival of kink and debauchery should not happen anymore or move it indoors with better control and less visability. The San Francisco annual run with carts and nudity needs to end. And with that accept that those drawn there now may not have the same values or beliefs but may be exploiting or in turn harming others with their presence. It was the same during the Floyd Marches how quickly professional criminals used the cover of them to do damage and with that the BLM idea became associated with that not its actual cause. See how the memory plays games and selectively picks the issues that triggers the most base of emotions, FEAR.

So what is the solution? Well we can start to rethink what it means to massively house and treat those who refuse to be treated. We called them Institutions for the Mentally Ill. They were horrible but that was then and this is now. Can we not find ways today in which to improve them? Use the failures of the past as a teaching lesson in which to learn and grow? Uh no, that is hard and shit. We also need to start mental health assessments much early on. By Grade 5/6 all children should be assessed for not only intellectual capability’s and/or learning disabilities but for mental health disorders. And with that we need fully funded mental health clinics in schools with again referrals to behavioral issues that perhaps are a signal of a larger crisis. Wonder why 18 year old boys are taking to the streets with guns, that may answer some of those questions. Oh we cannot do that, its too hard. Or are we afraid we will find out the truth? This story about a young woman’s quest to get a mental health clinic at her school brought all the angry afraid parents to the yard to protest. Me thinks one doth protest too much.

I believe John Oliver sums up the ways schools are funded and of course the move to Police up and Militarize the schools will go well. And this is America – AFRAID and in turn utterly immobile. So nothing will change.

With that I reprint the story of the Number 15. Ride safe.

Anger and heartbreak on Bus No. 15

As American cities struggle to recover from the pandemic, Denver’s problems spill over onto its buses

By Eli Saslow June 6, 2022 The Washington Post

19 minDENVER — Suna Karabay touched up her eye makeup in the rearview mirror and leaned against the steering wheel of the bus to say her morning prayers. “Please, let me be patient,” she said. “Let me be generous and kind.” She walked through the bus to make her final inspection: floor swept, seats cleaned, handrails disinfected, gas tank full for another 10-hour shift on the city’s busiest commercial road. She drove to her first stop, waited until exactly 5:32 a.m., and opened the doors.

“Good morning!” she said, as she greeted the first passenger of the day, a barefoot man carrying a blanket and a pillow. He dropped 29 cents into the fare machine for the $3 ride. “That’s all I got,” he said, and Suna nodded and waved him onboard.

“Happy Friday,” she said to the next people in line, including a couple with three plastic garbage bags of belongings and a large, unleashed dog. “Service pet,” one of the owners said. He fished into his pocket and pulled out a bus pass as the dog jumped onto the dashboard, grabbed a box of Kleenex, and began shredding tissues on the floor.

“Service animal?” Suna asked. “Are you sure?”

“What’d I tell you already?” the passenger said. “Just drive the damn bus.”

She turned back to face the windshield and pulled onto Colfax Avenue, a four-lane road that ran for more than 30 miles past the state capitol, through downtown, and toward the Rocky Mountains. Forty-five years old, she’d been driving the same route for nearly a decade, becoming such a fixture of Denver’s No. 15 bus line that her photograph was displayed on the side of several buses — a gigantic, smiling face of a city Suna no longer recognized in the aftermath of the pandemic. The Denver she encountered each day on the bus had been transformed by a new wave of epidemics overwhelming major cities across the country. Homelessness in Denver was up by as much as 50 percent since the beginning of the pandemic. Violent crime had increased by 17 percent, murders had gone up 47 percent, some types of property crime had nearly doubled, and seizures of fentanyl and methamphetamine had quadrupled in the past year.

She stopped the bus every few blocks to pick up more passengers in front of extended-stay motels and budget restaurants, shifting her eyes between the road ahead and the rearview mirror that showed all 70 seats behind her. In the past two years, Denver-area bus drivers had reported being assaulted by their passengers more than 145 times. Suna had been spit on, hit with a toolbox, threatened with a knife, pushed in the back while driving and chased into a restroom during her break. Her windshield had been shattered with rocks or glass bottles three times. After the most recent incident, she’d written to a supervisor that “this job now is like being a human stress ball.” Each day, she absorbed her passengers’ suffering and frustration during six trips up and down Colfax, until, by the end of the shift, she could see deep indentations of her fingers on the wheel.

Now she stopped to pick up four construction workers in front of “Sunrise Chinese Restaurant — $1.89 a Scoop.” She pulled over near a high school for a teenager, who walked onto the bus as she continued to smoke.

“Sorry. You can’t do that,” Suna said.

“It’s just weed.”

“Not on here,” Suna said. The girl tossed the joint onto the sidewalk and banged her fist into the first row of seats, but Suna ignored her. She kept driving as the bus filled behind her and then began to empty out after she passed through downtown. “Last stop,” she announced, a few minutes before 7 a.m. She was scheduled for a six-minute break before turning around to begin her next trip up Colfax, but when she looked in the rearview mirror, there were still seven people sleeping on the bus. Lately, about a quarter of her riders were homeless. The bus was their destination, so they rode until someone forced them to get off. “Sorry. Everyone out,” Suna said again, speaking louder, until the only passenger left was a man slumped across two seats in the second row. Suna got up to check on him.

“Sir?” she said, tapping his shoulder. He had an open wound on his ankle, and his leg was shaking. “Sir, are you okay?”

He opened his eyes. He coughed, spit on the floor, and looked around the empty bus. “We make it to Tulsa?” he asked.

“No. This is Denver. This is the 15 line.”

The passenger stumbled onto his feet. “Do you want me to call you an ambulance?” Suna asked, but he shook his head and started limping toward the doors.

“Okay. Have a good day,” Suna said. He held up his middle finger and walked off the bus.

Five days a week she drove back and forth on the same stretch of Colfax Avenue, stopping 38 times each way, completing every trip in a scheduled time of 72 minutes as she navigated potholes by memory and tried to make sense of what was happening to her passengers and to the city that she loved. She’d started reading books about mental illness and drug abuse, hoping to remind herself of what she believed: Addiction was a disease. Homelessness was a moral crisis. The American working class had been disproportionately crushed by covid-19, rising inflation and skyrocketing housing costs, and her passengers were among the victims. She thought about what her father had told her, when she was 19 years old and preparing to leave her family in Turkey to become an immigrant in the United States. He’d said that humanity was like a single body of water, in which people were made up from the same substance and then collected into different cups. This was her ocean. It was important not to judge.

And for her first several years in Denver, that kind of compassion had come easily to her. She felt liberated driving the city bus, which Muslim women weren’t allowed to do back home in Ankara. She loved the diversity of her passengers and built little relationships with her regulars: Ethiopian women who cleaned offices downtown, elementary-school children who wrote her thank you notes, Honduran day laborers who taught her phrases in Spanish, and medical students who sometimes asked about her heart ailment. But then the pandemic closed much of Denver, and even though Suna had never missed a day of work, many of her regulars had begun to disappear from the bus. Two years later, ridership across the city was still down by almost half, and a new wave of problems had arrived in the emptiness of urban centers and public transit systems, not just in Denver but all across the country.

Philadelphia was reporting an 80 percent increase in assaults aboard buses. St. Louis was spending $53 million on a new transit security plan. The transportation union president in Tucson said the city’s buses had become “a mobile refuse frequented by drug users, the mentally ill, and violent offenders.” The sheriff of Los Angeles County had created a new transit unit to keep passengers from having to “step over dead bodies or people injecting themselves.” And, meanwhile, Suna was compulsively scanning her rearview mirror, watching for the next crisis to emerge as she began another shift.

Two teenagers were burning something that looked like tinfoil in the back of the bus. A woman in a wheelchair was hiding an open 32-ounce can of beer in her purse and drinking from it with a straw. A construction worker holding a large road sign that read “SLOW” sat down in the first row next to a teenage girl, who scooted away toward the window.

“This sign isn’t meant for me and you,” the construction worker told the teenager, as Suna idled at a red light and listened in. “We can take it fast.”

“I’m 15,” the girl said. “I’m in high school.”

“That’s okay.”

Suna leaned out from her seat and yelled: “Leave her alone!”

“All right. All right,” the construction worker said, holding up his hands in mock surrender. He waited a moment and turned back to the teenager. “But do you got an older sister?”

Suna tried to ignore him and looked out the windshield at the snow-capped peaks of the Rocky Mountains and the high-rises of the city. She hadn’t been downtown on her own time since the beginning of the pandemic, and lately, she preferred to spend entire weekends reading alone in her apartment, isolating herself from the world except for occasional phone calls with her family in Turkey. “I used to be an extrovert, but now I’m exhausted by people,” Suna had told her sister. Increasingly, her relationship with Denver was filtered through the windshield of the bus, as she pulled over at stops she associated mostly with traumas and police reports during the pandemic.

There was Havana Street, where, a few months earlier, a woman in mental distress had shattered the windshields of two No. 15 buses, including Suna’s, within five minutes; and Billings Street, where, in the summer of 2021, a mentally unstable passenger tried to punch a crying toddler, only to be tackled and then shot in the chest by the toddler’s father; and Dayton Street, where Suna had once asked a man in a red bikini to stop smoking fentanyl, and he’d shouted “Here’s your covid, bitch!” before spitting in her face; and Downing, where another No. 15 driver had been stabbed nearby with a three-inch blade; and Broadway, where, on Thanksgiving, Suna had picked up a homeless man who swallowed a handful of pills, urinated on the bus, and asked her to call an ambulance, explaining that he’d poisoned himself so he could spend the holiday in a hospital with warm meals and a bed.

“Hey, driver! Hit the gas,” a passenger yelled from a few rows behind her. “We’re late. You’re killing me.”

She stared ahead at a line of cars and checked the clock. She was two minutes behind schedule. She inched up toward the brake lights in front of her and tried to focus on a mural painted on the side of a nearby building of a woman playing the violin.

“Hey! Do you speak English?” the passenger yelled. “Get your ass moving or get back to Mexico.”

She kneaded her hands into the steering wheel. She counted her breaths as they approached the next stop, North Yosemite Street, which had been the site of another episode of violence captured on security camera several months earlier. An intoxicated and emaciated 57-year-old woman had jumped out in front of a moving No. 15 bus, shouted at the driver to stop, and then pushed her way onboard. She’d started cursing at other passengers, pacing up and down the aisle until a man twice her size stood up in the back of the bus and punched her in the face with a closed fist, slamming her to the floor. “Who ain’t never been knocked out before?” he asked, as the woman lay unconscious in the aisle, and then he stood over her as the other passengers sat in their seats and watched. “Here’s one more,” he said, stomping hard on her chest. He grabbed the woman by the ankle and flung her off the bus, leaving her to die of blunt-force trauma on the sidewalk. “We can keep riding though,” one of the other passengers had told the driver, moments later. “We got to go to work, man.”

Now, Suna pulled over at the next stop and glanced into the rearview mirror. The belligerent passenger was out of his seat and moving toward her. She turned her eyes away from him and braced herself. He banged his fist into the windshield. He cursed and then exited the bus.

Suna closed her eyes for a moment and waited as three more passengers climbed onboard. “Thanks for riding,” she told them, and she shifted the bus back into drive.

Each night after she finished making all 228 stops on Colfax, Suna went home to the silence of her apartment, burned sage incense, drank a calming herbal tea and tried to recover for her next shift. Meanwhile, many of her passengers ended up spending their nights at the last stop on the No. 15 route, Union Station, the newly renovated, $500 million gem of the city’s transportation system and now also the place the president of the bus drivers’ union called a “lawless hellhole.”

The station’s long indoor corridor had become the center of Denver’s opioid epidemic and also of its homelessness crisis, with as many as a few hundred people sleeping on benches on cold nights. The city had tried removing benches to reduce loitering, but people with nowhere to go still slept on the floor. Authorities tried closing all of the station’s public bathrooms because of what the police called “a revolving door of drug use in the stalls,” but that led to more people going to the bathroom and using drugs in the open. The police started to arrest people at record rates, making more than 1,000 arrests at Union Station so far this year, including hundreds for drug offenses. But Colorado lawmakers had decriminalized small amounts of drug possession in 2019, meaning that offenders were sometimes cited with a misdemeanor for possessing up to four grams of fentanyl — enough for nearly 2,000 lethal doses — and then were able to return to Union Station within a few hours.

The city’s latest attempt at a solution was a mental health crisis team of four clinicians who worked for the Regional Transportation District, and one night a counselor named Mary Kent walked into Union Station holding a small handbag with the overdose antidote Narcan, a tourniquet and referral cards to nearby homeless shelters.

“Can I help you in any way?” she said to a woman who was pushing a shopping cart while holding a small knife. The woman gestured at the air and yelled something about former president Barack Obama’s dog.

“Do you need anything? Can we help support you?” Kent asked again, but the woman muttered to herself and turned away.

Kent walked from the train corridor to the bus platform and then back again during her shift, helping to de-escalate one mental health crisis after the next. A woman was shouting that she was 47-weeks pregnant and needed to go to the hospital. A teenager was running naked through the central corridor, until Kent helped calm her down and a transit police officer coaxed her into a shirt. During a typical 12-hour shift, Kent tried to help people suffering from psychosis, schizophrenia, withdrawal, bipolar disorder, and substance-induced paranoia. She connected many of them with counseling and emergency shelter, but they just as often refused her help. Unless they posed an immediate threat to themselves or others, there wasn’t much she could do.

An elderly man with a cane tapped her on the shoulder. “Somebody stole my luggage,” he said, and for a few minutes Kent spoke with him and tried to discern if he had imagined the suitcases or if they had in fact been stolen, both of which seemed plausible. “Let’s see if we can find a security officer,” Kent said, but by then the man no longer seemed focused on the missing suitcases, and instead, he asked the question she got most of all.

“Where’s the closest public bathroom?” he said.

“Oh boy,” she said, before explaining that the one in Union Station was closed, the one in the nearby public park had been fenced off to prevent loitering, the one in the hotel next door had a full-time security guard positioned at the entrance, and the one in the nearby Whole Foods required a receipt as proof of a purchase in the store. The only guaranteed way to protect a space from the homelessness crisis was to limit access, so Union Station had also recently approved a plan to create a ticketed-only area inside the station to restrict public use starting in 2023.

Kent walked outside onto the bus platform, smelled the chemical burn of fentanyl, and followed it through a crowd of about 25 homeless people to a woman who was smoking, pacing and gesticulating at an imaginary audience. A few security officers walked toward the woman, and she moved away and shouted something about the devil. Kent pulled a referral card from her bag, went over to the woman and introduced herself as a clinician.

“What can we do to support you right now?” she asked.

“Nothing,” the woman said. She walked to the other end of the platform, threw a few punches at the air and boarded the next bus.

The job, as Suna understood it, was to drive and keep driving, no matter what else was happening to the city, so the next morning, she pulled up to her first stop at 5:32 a.m. and then made her way along Colfax, stopping every few blocks on her way downtown. Billings Street. Havana Street. Dayton. Downing. Broadway. She finished her first trip and turned around to start again. A woman with an expired bus pass yelled at her in Vietnamese. Two passengers got into an argument over an unsmoked cigarette lying on the floor. Broadway, Downing, Dayton, Havana, Billings. She shifted her eyes back and forth from the rearview mirror to the road as she made her second trip, her third, her fourth, her fifth, until finally she reached the end of the line at 4:15 p.m. and turned around to begin her final trip of the day. She stopped at Decatur station to pick up three women, closed the doors, and began to pull away from the stop.

“Hey!” a man shouted, standing outside at the bus stop. He wore a basketball jersey and a backward cap. He banged on the bus and Suna stopped and opened the door. “Hey!” the man repeated, as he climbed onboard, cursing at her. “What the hell are you doing pulling away? I was standing right there.”

“Watch your language,” she said. “Where’s your bus fare?”

He paid half the fare and then cursed at her again. He walked to the first row of seats, sat down and glared at her.

“What are you staring at?” he yelled. “Go. Drive the damn bus.”

“I’m not your pet,” she said. “You don’t tell me what to do.”

She pulled out from the bus stop and looked away from the rearview mirror toward the mountains. She counted her breaths and tried to think of what her father had said about humanity being a single body of water. She’d dealt with more difficult passengers during the pandemic, including some earlier that same morning, but that was 11 hours and 203 stops ago, and as the passenger continued to rant, she could feel her patience beginning to give way.

“You’re so stupid,” the passenger said, and she ignored him.

“You idiot. You’re just a driver,” he shouted, and she pulled up to an intersection, hit the brakes, and turned back to him. “Why are you calling me names?” she asked. “F-you. F-that. You don’t know a single good word.” She told him to get off the bus or she would call the police. “Go right ahead,” he said, and he leaned back in his seat as she picked up her phone and gave her location to the officer. She hung up, squeezed the steering wheel, and continued driving toward her next stop.

“You dumb ass,” he said. “You bitch.”

“Just shut up!” she shouted. “You can’t talk to me that way.” Her hands were shaking against the wheel and she could feel the months of exhaustion and belittlement and anger and sadness welling up into her eyes, until she knew the one thing she couldn’t do for even a moment longer was to drive. She pulled over to a safe place on the side of the road. She turned off the ignition and put on her hazard lights. She called a supervisor and said that she was done driving for the day, and that she would be back for her next shift in the morning.

She opened the exit door and turned back to the passenger. “Get off,” she said, blinking back tears, pleading this time. He stared back at her and shook his head.

“Fine,” she said, and she stood up from her seat and walked off the bus

Death Untold

Another death, another mystery and another homeless person found dead in jail. Are we becoming so immune to these stories that a few lone protestors are so standard that we just shrug now and move on.   Yet only a few weeks ago New Hampshire was descended upon by a media throng for a Presidential clown car show.   But this story went untold.  And all of this about the inability to pay a fine.
 

 Unable to Pay $100 Bail, Homeless Man Dies in New Hampshire Jail

Protesters gathered last week outside the jail in Manchester, N.H., where Jeffrey Pendleton died. An autopsy was inconclusive and the official cause of death was awaiting a toxicology report. Credit Kathleen Ronayne/Associated Press

In their last conversation, Jeffrey Pendleton told his father that he was doing well, living in New Hampshire with a woman and working at a Burger King restaurant.
About four months later, a different story unfolded. Mr. Pendleton was homeless, and on March 13 he was found dead in a jail cell in Manchester, where he was being held for a misdemeanor because he could not pay the $100 bail.
“The police told me to talk to the detective in New Hampshire,” Mr. Pendleton’s father, Joseph, said Friday from his home in Palestine, Ark. “He said they did a cell check, and found him unconscious. Then two hours later he was dead.”
His family buried him last week in Palestine, but the authorities are still investigating how the 26-year old black man who had no known health problems died so suddenly.
“They said they did not find anything wrong with the body, that he shouldn’t have been dead,” the elder Mr. Pendleton said he was told by the coroner. “What they found was a healthy 26-year old man.”
Jennie V. Duval, the deputy chief medical examiner working on his case, said Mr. Pendleton’s autopsy was inconclusive and the official cause of death was awaiting the toxicology report, with blood test results not expected for four weeks.
“There was no naked eye evidence of trauma or disease,” Ms. Duval said. “We definitely ruled out foul play.”
Mr. Pendleton’s death has drawn attention to New Hampshire’s practice of putting in jail people who cannot make bail, often on misdemeanor charges. 
As The New York Times has reported in a series of reports, specialists say the money-based bail system in the United States routinely means that poor defendants are punished before they get their day in court, often keeping them incarcerated longer than if they had been convicted right away.
Last month, the Justice Department sent a letter asking state chief justices and court administrators around the country to change their practices on fines and fees. The aim, it said, was to avoid the harm that falls on people who are unable to pay, and who “lose their jobs and become trapped in cycles of poverty that can be nearly impossible to escape.”
The department urged the courts to consider alternatives to jail for defendants unable to pay fines and fees.
“Bail that is set without regard to defendants’ financial capacity can result in the incarceration of individuals not because they pose a threat to public safety or a flight risk, but rather because they cannot afford the assigned bail amount,” the letter said.
Mr. Pendleton was arrested on March 8 at about 10 p.m. at a house in Nashua, where the police were sent to help probation and parole officers. Officers discovered two warrants for Mr. Pendleton’s arrest for nonpayment of fines: one for disorderly conduct and the other for a city ordinance violation, said Capt. Eric Nordengren of the Nashua police.
Mr. Pendleton was taken to the Nashua police station, where they found a small quantity of marijuana, and then to the county jail in Manchester, Captain Nordengren said. In a preliminary appearance in Nashua District Court, his bail was set at $100, which he was unable to pay.
Then on March 13, Mr. Pendleton was found unconscious in his cell at 2:45 p.m. and could not be revived; he was pronounced dead at 3:19 p.m., the jail said in a statement. “There appeared no indication that Mr. Pendleton was in any form of distress,” David Dionne, the jail superintendent, said in a report by The Union Leader.
A court document said that Mr. Pendleton was to have been held on the “act prohibited” misdemeanor charge until a hearing on April 7.
“That’s approximately one month,” said Gilles Bissonnette, a director for the American Civil Liberties Union of New Hampshire who had provided Mr. Pendleton with legal support. “At that point, he would have effectively served his sentence before he ever had an opportunity to contest the charge — an outcome that only a poor person would be confronted with.”
Mr. Pendleton’s ordeal also garnered some attention because he had previously won settlements worth thousands of dollars against two New Hampshire cities for run-ins with the police.
The City of Nashua agreed to pay $15,000 to settle a civil claim by the A.C.L.U. and Mr. Pendleton after he was arrested in 2014 for walking in a public park, according to a copy of the settlement provided by Mr. Bissonnette. About $10,315 went to Mr. Pendleton and the rest to the A.C.L.U. in New Hampshire.
The following year, the City of Hudson agreed to pay $37,500 to settle a lawsuit filed by the A.C.L.U. for Mr. Pendleton that said the police issued him a summons for panhandling, which they said was illegal. Mr. Pendleton was allotted about $7,000 of that money.
According to the Hudson lawsuit, Mr. Pendleton arrived in the Nashua area in 2009 and worked in low-wage jobs at fast-food restaurants. He had been homeless since a divorce in 2013, then lost his job and started sleeping in the woods.
Mr. Bissonnette said his office did not have significant contact with Mr. Pendleton after the cases were resolved with settlements. Asked why Mr. Pendleton was unable to pay the $100 bail last month, he said, “I don’t know that answer.”

Drink Up!

The nation is one of morality wielding bat holders. This includes labeling those who do not practice Christianity or live in conventional style homes and families and of course are not white, male or born in America.

We are holding onto our Puritan roots in ways that continue to amaze me. I am sure we would embrace the aspects of conservative Islam down to burquas and embrace African practices of female circumcision if they were not people of color. Let’s hope we find some Swedish outpost who embraces them so that America can move towards legislation that endorses those acts buried in some budget bill.   Just ask John Kasich “moderate” about that trick when it comes to oppressing women’s rights to choose.

So to read the below article about Virgina’s move to jail and ostracize those who “smell” of alcohol, I thought immediately of Boardwalk Empire.  From the blacklisting to the lack of due process to simple discrimination and utter hubris, this is right out of another era.   Yes, let’s bring back prohibition and the stockade. Cheers!

 The Daily Beast
 M.L. Nestel
 03.15.16

 Virginia Jails People for Even Smelling Like Alcohol

 A class-action lawsuit accuses cops and prosecutors of locking up people as ‘habitual drunkards’ after placing them on a secret blacklist that bans them from booze.

  Richard Starnes has been thrown in jail just for smelling like alcohol. Every time Roanoke, Virginia, cops drive by they ask him, “You drinking?” Starnes said usually the answer is yes, but there have been times when he’s sober and police lock him up anyway. “They’ll say, ‘I smell alcohol on your breath.’ And I say ‘Give me a Breathalyzer’ and they won’t, and tell me ‘I’m taking you to jail anyway because I smell alcohol,” Starnes told The Daily Beast. Starnes is one of thousands who say they’ve been put on a secret blacklist in Virginia that limits him from being even within smelling distance of an open container.

It’s known as the Interdiction List, and as it says, anybody “shown himself to be a habitual drunkard” can be added to it by a prosecutor in a civil proceeding, often in absentia. Once people are on the list, they’re forbidden to possess, purchase, or consume alcohol. Starnes can’t even go into 7-Eleven without suspicion.

 “My picture is in that book and I can’t buy beer and I can’t be around anybody who’s drinking,” he said. The 50-year-old used to be homeless, spending empty-stomach nights under a pitched tent or a bridge. Thanks to the constant trips to the clink, he’s barely scratching by. A new class-action lawsuit brought by the Charlottesville, Virginia-based Legal Aid Justice Center accuses Roanoke and four other cities of using the “habitual drunkard” law to sweep of the poor and indigent like Starnes off the streets.

 “This is unconstitutional,” attorney Mary Frances Charlton of the Legal Aid Justice Center said. “It’s a civil court and yet a prosecutor can ask the local trial court to slap this label on an individual in the community.

 They don’t get a lawyer, they aren’t given the right to confront witnesses like they would in criminal court, and often they’re not even present. “Once this label is slapped on them through civil proceedings any possession of alcohol is punished by up to a year in jail.” She added that the framework of what a habitual drunkard is is purely arbitrary and that the punishments are meted out without any second thought. “This is turning the jailhouse door into a revolving door.”

 What’s more, people on the interdicted list are punished for the same crime more harshly. When most Virginias are caught with an open container, they’re given a citation and a $250 fine. But when an a person on the interdicted list is caught with a brown bag of hooch, the fine leaps up to $2,500 and the person can be jailed for up to one year for committing a Class 1 misdemeanor.

 More than 600 people have been jailed under the statute in Virginia Beach since 2007 and at least 140 have been in Roanoke so far. Out of the 7,020 countable homeless in Virginia, the numbers of interdicted convictions over the past 10 years was 4,743. Police departments and city attorneys did not respond to requests for comment. The lawsuit cites the statute’s reliance on dated science and placating various homeless people who are being booked for their addiction and taken away in what seem like innocuous incidents: sitting near open containers and/or “having a detectable odor of alcohol on or near their person.”

That means merely napping on a bench by a trashcan full of empties or taking cough medicine could be a crime. Moreover, the homeless have some of the fewest of chances to seek treatment for what is often referred to clinically as chronic alcoholism and therefore there is “only a remote likelihood exists that a homeless alcoholic will achieve lasting sobriety… nevertheless police routinely arrest—and Commonwealth Attorneys often prosecute” them. The statute is used to repeatedly arrest and jail homeless alcoholics for possession of alcohol…[and] effectively criminalizes alcohol use disorder—or disease—for homeless individuals.”

Perhaps most frightening is how individuals are placed on the list in the first place. According to the lawsuit, a civil proceeding transpires where a prosecutor can go before a judge and declare that John or Jane Doe is a “habitual drunkard/inebriate” and just like that he or she is blacklisted without due process.

The lawsuit suggests that “there is a strong liberty interest at stake” when hearings are held essentially in secret without a defendant or a legal attorney present to counter the alcohol aspersions. Getting off the list is also shrouded in secrecy.

 “They never said how I get off the list,” Starnes said. “I asked and they never gave me an honest answer.” According to the civil lawsuit, “Virginia law provides no clear standards and procedures for removing the ‘habitual drunkard’ label under the Interdiction Statute.”

That means that if your name is on the list for whatever reason it can be indelible. “Thus, once interdicted, a person often carries the label of ‘habitual drunkard’ for life.”

 Not every person on the list is homeless or walking around with an open container. Some have been convicted of DUI offenses and part of their probation is to seek treatment and voluntarily agree to be put on the list for a matter of time.

 Michael Buika is a student at Old Dominion University who agreed to be interdicted for five years after his second conviction for driving under the influence. “I agreed to it because it was part of the plea bargain,” he told The Daily Beast.

 “They said I can’t be caught in possession or be caught purchasing it for five years.” The 26-year-old student is taking his punishment and sobriety in stride. “I don’t foresee myself being put in a predicament. I’m almost two years sober and I’m focused on finishing my bachelor’s degree.” “This is only temporary.”

 A woman who is a registered private nurse told us she was also given a pass to buy alcohol because “my patients require that so I have a stipulation,” she told us, also requesting her name be withheld. A 27-year-old Virginia Beach native who was also interdicted after a DUI said he had been jailed for watching football at a bar because “I don’t have cable.”

 After a fight spilled out to the sidewalk, the man, who wished to remain anonymous fearing reprisals, stepped out to watch the melee and was quizzed by cops. After scanning his ID, the cop said: “You’re interdicted. You’re not allowed to be here.” “I said, ‘What does that mean?’” The man had signed a form before being released from jail for DUI to be added to the interdicted list.

“They game me forms and I signed everything,” he put it simply. Since the bar incident, he’s paid a $2,500 fine and now has to go through a 12-week rehab program. Even after all that it’s uncertain if he will be removed from the list. Another “habitual drunkard” is Roanoke-based Bryan Manning, who has had 30-some prosecutions for alcohol-related offenses.

While shopping at a Walmart “store where alcohol was sold,” the lawsuit explains, the 49-year-old construction worker was approached by a cop who caught a whiff of his breath and claimed he’d been boozing (although Manning protested that he hadn’t consumed any alcohol).

“He was nevertheless interdicted without being granted an attorney,” the court papers claim. Manning has endured a great deal beyond just alcohol. Six of his family members have all committed suicide and he has been left by his wife after his drinking became too hard to kick. “They [cops] say, ‘Hey you’re drinking. And they come up to me and start roughhousing,’”

Manning told The Daily Beast. “I might be walking up the road with a couple beers or a 12-pack and they stop and pick me up and everything.” The gotcha method has become too familiar for a man who believes he’s being wrongfully harassed by Roanoke cops. “They know my name and stuff and they tell me, ‘You shouldn’t be getting beer, being homeless.’ It’s a big nightmare, OK. “I’m so afraid to walk down the street and I really just want to be left alone.” He’s also pleading for help rather than prison.

“I tell them I’m suicidal and they only say, ‘We’re taking you to jail anyway.’” There is a better way to deal with alcohol and alcoholism than using a law that dates back to 1873.

In 1994 a state task force set out to try to remedy Virginia’s public drunkard issues in a report entitled, The Impact of Public Inebriates on Community and Criminal Justice Services Systems. The report said while the costly practice of jailing the majority of “those arrested for public intoxication,” it is “not effective with the repeat offender.”

 Instead, the task force suggested treatments and drunk tanks as more promising alternatives for this crisis. “Public inebriate centers and social detoxification facilities are cost effective measures to divert public inebriates form Virginia’s jails.” For unexplained reasons the statute remained and only added legal language effectively criminalizing public drunkenness as a misdemeanor.

 The law is antiquated and a major abortion of justice, says Fredericksburg, Virginia-based attorney Andrew Flusche. He told The Daily Beast that branding American citizens as serial inebriates (especially in absentia) could set a slippery slope. “Some people might accuse me of being Chicken Little,” he said. “We’re creating a class of alcohol-offenders.

Second Chances

I finally felt able to watch the Frontline episode, Chasing Heroin.  It takes place in Seattle, where the exit gate is fast approaching and I cannot wait to leave.  Part of it is related to what I see on the streets every day and the affects that drugs, the lack of services, treatment options and well the divisiveness with regards to what addiction is and how to manage it in a city that likes to put up signs in business windows, open one non profit after another and pledge to do the right thing dominates the discourse.  A friend commented that it is “bumper sticker” politics and she is absolutely right.  I visualize a sticker that goes “My kid survived drug addiction, did yours?” on the back of an appropriate gas saving Prius to let everyone know they have suffered and you can too!

 The local paper profiled one of the mothers on the episode, Penny LeGate, and she has been back in front of the camera, this time as a subject as she discusses her daughter who failed in her fight over addiction. .   For the record her daughter went to one of our alternative high schools here that I have subbed at and I rarely go to them but when I do I see little to no actual education, support or well purpose, but it is there for whatever that means and they show her graduation as it if that was an accomplishment for a girl who had well fallen into the looking glass. But then again that too is just another sticker to slap on the back of the Prius.

Schools are not treatment centers, nor should they be.  The lack of resources in our public schools are barely enough to support the kids as they are, and however they are, so adding addiction services, mental health counseling and other medical support is utterly absurd, dangerous and frankly useless.

Addiction is too complicated to understand and that much is stated by a medical doctor and the other research professionals studying and treating this disease so why a group of Teachers, Administrators and others think they are somehow able to contribute to the plan is goddamn ridiculous.  Hell we are already maligned for not teaching enough math and science so this too is added to the curriculum. We can fit that in between teaching grit, social emotional tools, restorative justice and fuck that foreign language, physical education or nutrition!   A local high school is fighting to keep a wood shop class and the irony is that it was a bunch of girls that loved the course and wanted to keep it.  Gee trades and skills that ladies with saws and tools and shit, how practical, but what about your mood today?

I sit through this for 30 minutes a week.  The children barely are literate in their own language, they are struggling with math and basic skills in English and could use intense language skills and support in their own language to understand the basic curriculum, but let’s take time out to ask about your RULER.  (That is the premise for the movie Inside Out)   When they get to me by that time I am full on Lewis Black, what a waste of time and energy.    Yes the children need integration skills and that will come with what? Language and ability to function in basic skills sets then add the layers to the cake once the basic batter has been established.

I am pretty sure one of the students is a dealer, not heroin but pot is a gateway drug – to deal bigger drugs as once you age up to buy legally in this state you need to ratchet up the options.

Not one of the white quasi formerly middle class kids (former as the costs of the addiction to the family is not just emotional it is financial, as Ms LeGate’s daughter’s treatment cost over 40K) ever began their drug war with pot, nope they went strait to opioida.  My favorite was the former mom who started on the pain killer prescription route and then it all went down from there. The show does a great job of showing the vast variations in the types of individuals hooked on the smack, but also dispels the idea that all of them start on pain killing meds.  The young people went into the shit fairly quick and that snap in the cortex led that to further deterioration and deeper addiction even in the case of those who were “clean” for long periods.  Proving that addiction is not just a matter of personal willingness or ability or lack thereof to stay clean.

The show also profiles LEAD here and glosses over the reality that it does nothing to treat addiction but it keeps the folks out of conventional jail as treatment.  Whatever.  I have no real opinion on LEAD as it is just to me another goddamn acronym that makes people feel better about knowing nothing and doing the bare minimum; that is really what much of this type of program is about,  those who work for the program versus those in the program.  That is why altruism doesn’t exist as most people do something for a reason and that is largely the purveyance of the non profits, the ability for former addicts, homeless, idiots and others to feel good about “giving back” aka “projection” about their own problems and in turn their own recovery.   Trust me,  talk to people in any social service.  I work in schools I hear it all day. How about I like math and I like teaching and learning new ways about teaching x y z and being with kids and that is all one should do, end of story.  Nope it is always a feel good do good with some additional story attached.  We cannot just simply do something without an ulterior.  I used to think work was about purpose, skill and money.  It really is but that “save the world” bullshit really is what excuse the tech sector found to cover up their raking in boatloads of cash and looking less like Wall Street in doing so. 

As for drug courts those are bullshit as well.  But again this is another feel good concept under the guise of “justice reform.” To do it right all rights should be maintained and all the parties involed should be well trained and educated and informed about addiction, treatment, management and well failure and they are not. They are largely Lawyers, Judges and Social Workers, I think that says right there three strikes they are not.  

I am sure kids where I am at right now are on drugs.  I watch a kid take endless texts and calls during class.  He is selling small drugs that much is clear.  And when my “dealer” kid showed up with 6 Starbucks drinks in a tray one day after lunch,  I knew instantly it was to tell me he has money as that was over 30 bucks in cost which a kid that age would not have given his status in the economic hierarchy unless he was the product of money (nope) or had money from illicit gains (yep).  When I mentioned this to the Librarian he said “how ingenious that he knows that he needs to get nutrition or whatever to feel good so he took care of his needs.”  Yes he needed 6 Venti Frappucinos and Coffee drinks during his 30 minute lunch break to do just that!! After I thought about his response,  I assumed he was being sarcastic, or so I hope.  As for the student, he hasn’t been back to school in days and frankly I am relieved, I hope he doesn’t frankly as it is tough to watch and do nothing nor would I even if I could.  It truly is not my business in any sense of the word.

I have become almost anesthetized to the reality of Seattle and its burgeoning homeless/drug addiction/mental health problem.  It was always a problem here, I grew up here and that is the reality of this city but it is now an epidemic.  I see doorways, bus stops and every park, freeway off ramp filled with the waste, both human and not, of what our failure in the drug war and mental health treatment entails.  I am so immune to the begging for money and the stepping over unconscious bodies that I am no longer ashamed, but disgusted.  I went up the lite rail stairway the other day, well almost, when I saw a flash of a liter and I knew instantly it was not someone lighting up a smoke.  I turned around and went another way.  There is not a bathroom or elevator that I don’t inspect before getting in as any closed space with public access is another red flag to be aware and cautious.

The tragedy is that at times you just wish them death as that may be the only way to alleviate their pain.  The sheer costs, emotionally, financially, ethically to the community is so overwhelming, so futile and so tragic, you think the end has to be the true end.  And then I think what are second chances,  I wouldn’t know as no one really gives them. That is utter bullshit and it is why I know this, when I fell by hands that were not my own no one helped me and I begged for it.  This is Seattle, they are pickers and choosers of those who “deserve” help,  so imagine if it had been by my own hand, would that have made any difference? Yes and no. But I simply refused to capitulate to fall into their truths, I preferred my own as that was the truth. And in the world of guilt and shaming which is largely the major response to addiction that is not part of the equation. 

 If you wonder why America is so angry this may be it.  Second chances, opportunities, access, resources and money seem to go to those who want and need it less so that may explain it all.  I get it, I really do. 

Take out the Trash

I write this today with a heavy heart. I am tired of passing one homeless person over another. I am tired of the fights, the feuds and the mental health problems that I see on a daily basis. I am exhausted from thinking about how many children I meet that may be one of them one day or are one now. I see futility and hopelessness and I am tired of the pearl clutching, the ignorance and the sheer bullshit about the “soul of the city.”

 In the last month Seattle continues to debate and in turn deteriorate in the quest to attract the young and the MEllinneal class and that is designating two parking lots as residential lots for homeless living in a car Two dead in ‘very targeted’ shooting at camp for homeless people in Seattle which follows a declaration of a state of emergency akin to a natural disaster like the snowstorm on the Eastern seaboard with regards to homelessness. And now this tragedy…

Police hunt two suspects in connection with attack that also wounded three others on Tuesday night No one has been arrested for the shooting at a Seattle homeless encampment but police are searching for two ‘persons of interest’.

Associated Press Wednesday 27 January 2016

Two people were killed and three others wounded as shooting erupted on Tuesday night at a Seattle encampment for homeless people, in what police said was a “very targeted” attack.

Police responded to reports of shots fired at the camp – known as the jungle – about 7.15pm near Airport Way South and South Atlantic Street, south of downtown.

They did a search of the wooded area and found five victims, police said. Assistant Seattle police chief Bob Merner said at a news conference the victims lived at the encampment. He said of the shooting that police “have reason to believe it was very targeted”.

Seattle police chief Kathleen O’Toole said officials did not believe anyone else was in danger. The stories you need to read, in one handy email Read more No one has been arrested. Police interviewed witnesses and were searching for two people they said were “persons of interest” in the case.

“We are working furiously to identify a suspect,” O’Toole said. Police said an unidentified woman died at the scene. Four others who were hurt were taken to Harborview medical center in Seattle. Hospital spokeswoman Susan Gregg said a man brought in at 7.50pm also died.

Two women and a man, ranging in age from 25 to 45, were in surgery on Tuesday night, Gregg said. She said their gunshot wounds were to the chest, abdomen and back. Seattle mayor Ed Murray had called the shooting an active crime scene and urged people to stay away from the area.

He and King county executive director Dow Constantine declared a state of emergency regarding $7m to address the crisis. At a press briefing later on Tuesday night, Murray said: “I can’t help but wonder, did I act too late?” He said the encampment “has been unmanageable and out of control for almost two decades”.

Officials said police would remain in the area overnight and would also check on other homeless encampments.

There are several factors in place here: One, the living wage issue which seems to be a confusing one as to how much the minimum wage is in the city. It is not $15/hr – yet.

This is a phased in issue which is having problems simply being enforced and with regards to service jobs that have tips, size of workforce, there are exemptions. But we are being lauded in the press as this savior for working poor and that is not necessarily true. It is in baby steps but regardless, the wages are not commensurate with the housing crisis that has resulted from the push to draw the disposable and by that I mean those who are here on H1B1 Visas or here to meet a contract or temporary work agreement that they sign to get a job at the company by the Amazon.

 There is a distinct myth and belief that these are all six figure jobs and that is regardless of the gig. Check Glassdoor for the horror stories regarding the company. But the leeches have also set up satellite offices to get the rejects and in turn the revolving door of the leech set, whoops I mean the tech set, are doing what they did to the Bay Area as quickly as they can. And it shows with the rising tide of homeless that is crashing the boats.

The second:  legal marijuana.  All for it but in reality when you are from bumfuck Wyoming the idea of smoking pot openly (which again you cannot but the misinformation is a source of reality in America) is tempting.  And many of the young we see here seem to think begging and camping adjacent to an on ramp is acceptable and tolerable when you are 22.   I heard a young woman ask for a cigarette and in reality she admitted to the man she requested it from she wanted actually dope.  Yes welcome to the dollhouse.

The Third is the hipster factor.  The belief that one can come here and make artisan chocolate, create art or artisan brew is part of the attraction.  Or as I call it the Williamsburg invasion.  Our streets are filled with Quaker beard, man bun wearing dipshits and the sad pierced, multi hair colored heavy girls that tote the bags and trudge along with dreams of what I am unsure. But yesterday I saw another implosion of said couple on the corner they were panhandling adjacent to the Amazon offices. That area is akin to the gold mining I believe of the 1800’s which happened where? San Francisco. Some things never change.

I spend most of my days counting the ones until I leave. That is what they want. Anyone not in the tech fields, over 40 and of course with a vagina, Seattle wants you gone. People of color are fine as long as they meet the checklist of diversity or play sports.

The funny obsession over sports is truly a laugh as the second the Seahawks go the way of losing, the pullback will be faster than a man following ejaculation. We have never been a loyal city in any stretch of the imagination.

To let people think this is a liberal city with such great options and opportunities means that it is one less city or town that might offer the ability to work and function and build community. It is akin to a natural disaster that enables the cities to clean out the poor and the disposable. Katrina did that to New Orleans and it appears that unless we have one here this is what Seattle will be – a trash bag.

And that is what we do with the people here, we throw them out like trash. I know this personally, and I have said many times that I am the shit beneath your shoe not even fit to wipe so you throw them out. Seattle you can go fuck yourself. This is my last post I will write about this hellhole it is not worth it. Now I will go to a white school in a white neighborhood and not have to worry about it for a few hours until later. So until then….

Parking Free?

I joke every day at the bagel store that I live in the dumpster out front, it has a roof deck and gets cleaned weekly. Then last week a moving truck was out front and I said I upgraded to a deluxe suite, it’s mobile and can move quickly should I need to avoid a parking ticket. We have a problem with people getting places to park their homes, as in cars, which is another problem that only further divides the homeless issues plaguing America’s most “desirable” cities. Funny I can’t wait to leave.

But for those who want to stay here and regardless of their state of mind or lack thereof we have few solutions only to make it increasingly more illegal to live without a home. Madison Wisconsin, that brought us former Presidential Candidate, Scott Walker, has made living in the parks adjacent to City Hall illegal. Maybe now that Governor Walker is back in Wisconsin he can tackle the homeless the same way he did the unions of which he is so proud to boast. The homeless have to be way easier than taking on ISIS in the same way.

Los Angeles Puts $100 Million Into Helping Homeless

By JENNIFER MEDINA
The New York Times
SEPT. 22, 2015

LOS ANGELES — Flooded with homeless encampments from its freeway underpasses to the chic sidewalks of Venice Beach, municipal officials here declared a public emergency on Tuesday, making Los Angeles the first city in the nation to take such a drastic step in response to its mounting problem with street dwellers.

The move stems partly from compassion, and in no small part from the rising tide of complaints about the homeless and the public nuisance they create. National experts on homelessness say Los Angeles has had a severe and persistent problem with people living on the streets rather than in shelters — the official estimate is 26,000. The mayor and City Council have pledged a sizable and coordinated response, proposing Tuesday to spend at least $100 million in the next year on housing and other services. They plan, among other things, to increase the length of time shelters are open and provide more rent subsidies to street people and those in shelters.

“Every single day we come to work, we see folks lying on this grass, a symbol of our city’s intense crisis,” Mayor Eric Garcetti said at a news conference at City Hall on Tuesday. “This city has pushed this problem from neighborhood to neighborhood for too long, from bureaucracy to bureaucracy.”

In urban areas, including New York, Washington and San Francisco, rising housing costs and an uneven economic recovery have helped fuel a rise in homelessness. In some cities, officials have focused much of their efforts on enforcement policies to keep people from living in public spaces.

In places known for good weather like Honolulu and Tucson, or for liberal politics — like Madison, Wis. — frustration has prompted crackdowns on large encampments. Some cities, like Seattle, have tried setting aside designated areas for homeless encampments. But to date, no city has claimed to have the perfect solution.

Like other urban mayors, Mr. Garcetti has made promises to end chronic homelessness. Yet the homeless population here has grown about 12 percent since he took office in 2013. He, too, has been criticized for taking a heavy-handed approach to enforcement while doing too little to help people find and pay for housing. City budget officials estimate that Los Angeles already spends more than $100 million, mostly through law enforcement, to deal with issues that stem from people living on the streets.

In New York, Mayor Bill de Blasio has been grappling with a soaring homeless population since he took office nearly two years ago. The number of people occupying homeless shelters peaked around 60,000 last winter and remained stubbornly high — around 57,000 — this week.

Unlike the dispossessed in Los Angeles, the vast majority of the homeless in New York are sheltered. But the presence of the street homeless, highlighted on the front pages of tabloids, has put public pressure on Mr. de Blasio to address the 3,000 unsheltered homeless holding signs on sidewalks, sleeping atop subway grates and huddling in encampments.

“This is the fallout of not having anywhere near the affordable housing that’s needed,” said Megan Hustings, the interim director of the National Coalition for the Homeless, a Washington-based advocacy group.

“It is repeated all over the country: We work to get them emergency food and shelter, but housing continues to be unaffordable, so you see people lingering in emergency services or going to the streets.”

In Los Angeles, rents have soared all over the city and housing vouchers usually cover only a fraction of the rent for a home near public transportation. Efforts to build new housing units have floundered, and the city’s spending on affordable housing has plummeted to $26 million, roughly a quarter of what it was a decade ago.

Neighborhoods that were once considered hubs of relatively inexpensive motels and single-room apartments — Venice Beach, the Downtown Arts District — have been transformed into well-to-do enclaves filled with cupcake emporiums and doggy day care centers.

A census of the homeless in Los Angeles County released in May found that the number of people bedding down in tents, cars and makeshift encampments had grown to 9,535, nearly double the number from two years earlier. More than half of the estimated 44,000 homeless in Los Angeles County live in the city limits, according to the census. And nearly 13,000 in Los Angeles County become homeless each month, according to a recent report from the Economic Roundtable.

The spending proposal will need to be approved by the City Council and allocated by its Homelessness and Poverty Committee. The $100 million figure was chosen in part for its symbolism, said Herb J. Wesson Jr., the City Council president, to show county, state and federal officials that the city was willing to make a significant contribution to an urgent problem. “Today, we step away from the insanity of doing the same thing and hoping for different results, and instead chart our way to ending homelessness,” he said.

But many longtime advocates for the homeless here said the City Council’s proposal was not likely to make a big dent in the number of people who are finding themselves on the streets. “Encampments used to be contained to Skid Row, where city officials would try to control or ignore them,” said Gary Blasi, a law professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, who has studied homelessness in the region for years. “Plans have been made, and never made it off the paper they’re written on. It’s not clear what will be delivered. And do the math here — it doesn’t amount to much at all.”

“People who would have thought of themselves as homeowners 10 or 15 years ago are renting, and it’s a grim situation in a lot of places,” said Steve Berg, the vice president for programs and policy for the National Alliance to End Homelessness. “A lot of places don’t have a real grip of what the homeless population is in real time, and respond only crisis to crisis. But what we’ve learned about homelessness over many, many years is that you have to provide housing, and criminalizing the homeless doesn’t keep people off the streets at all.”

Earlier this year, the Los Angeles City Council approved an ordinance that lets the police confiscate property and makes it easier for them to clear sidewalks of homeless encampments. Similar legislation has been passed in other cities.

In Honolulu, where the city has spent the last two days shutting down homeless encampments that have irritated residents and frightened tourists, a federal judge on Tuesday denied the American Civil Liberties Union’s request to stop seizing and destroying people’s property during the sweeps.

Mr. Garcetti proposed using $12.6 million this year from unexpected tax revenue for rental subsidies for short-term housing and other services, including $1 million to create centers where the homeless could store belongings and shower. The $100 million, if approved, would be for the 2016 budget.

Some advocates for the homeless here have said that the rising street population has created a public health crisis on Skid Row downtown, where about 5,000 people now live outdoors.

“It’s a humanitarian crisis and a moral shame,” said José Huizar, a council member who represents the area. “It has reached a critical breaking point, that the sea of despair that we witness on the streets of Los Angeles each and every day must end, and it begins with all of us here today.”

There Go I

I remember growing up and when I saw “street people” my Mother would remind me “there by the grace of God go I”
The history behind that paraphrase is from the tradition of attribution of Bradford:  It dates to at least the early 19th century, as it is found in A treatise on prayer by Edward Bickersteth (1822): The pious Martyr Bradford, when he saw a poor criminal led to execution, exclaimed, “there, but for the grace of God, goes John Bradford.
So I understood that to mean that we could all end up there one day.  I think that has left a mark on me in ways that to this day is much how I live and that is both a good thing and bad. Or as I like to say all coins have two sides and it is perfectly useful regardless of which side you put down first.
As this week has unfolded I pass a lot of tent towns just going to work and with no work now or in the foreseeable future I think will I end up there?   But then I remind myself that I have no addictions, no mental illness (okay that we could debate) and I have a lot of charge cards! But it is something that troubles me and I recall my mother as we did pass those “street people” how she would leave packed lunches on benches and tell me that it was for them but to give them dignity she said she leaves it for them without actually giving it them and they will get it and know who is is for take what they need.  Odd but it seemed to be her way and well it worked out I think for everyone.
We pass these people daily.  We treat them either as invisible or as annoyances. We fear them and we are ashamed by them.  We refer to them in the pronoun “they” or “those” as if they are some member of some organization or group, a collective to which “they” belong.  I think of that much akin to the current dialog about “illegal” immigrants aka “illegals” and in the 70s when I grew up the references to “they” “the” and then the words blacks, women, gays.  Good times and when I say that I remind myself of the show of that same era as no one I knew lived in public housing. It was meant as temporary or for poor people who were on hard times.  That was the point of Good Times I think more of an irony or utter oxy moron when one is living in segregated housing that is virtually ignored once it is build then becomes a dilapidated eyesore that then as some type of self fulfilling prophecy about the “theys” and “thems” and how they live.
I say quite frequently that Seattle is a company town.  It was blue collar and manufacturing, the ports, the fishing industry and Boeing were just the largest employers and then we had retail, hotel and other service related jobs.  They were all union by the way and the reputation of Seattle was one quite bookish and yet quite arsy with Folklife festivals and our cap on the art/music scene was the 4 day festival Bumbershoot over labor day weekend.  Our fireworks display on the 4th of July was sponsored by Ivar the captain of a seafood bar restaurant chain that still exists although Ivar has long gone.
Seattle seems to cling to those recollections and yet there are less than 30 percent of us who are born natives.   I know few and far between who have remained but to those who have lived her for decades they have many of the same recollections and same idea of protecting this city from “them” and by them I think migrants who move here for the same reason they came.  Ah the theys.. another legacy from another curmudgeon a former newspaper columnist (I cannot recall if he worked for the Times or the former Post Intelligence) Emmett Watson the founder of KBO – Keep the Bastards out.  Of which bastards he meant California. They, those, them, the.
Growing up my mother was obsessed with the pronoun “I” if overused she would go are you an eye specialist.   Different times different people different baggage we all carry.  Today its the ME ME MINE.  It is why I call them MEllinneals.  They are such the product of the ME generation that was MY generation of boomers.  Not shocking as they may be their parents and in some cases the grandparents so it is the apple not far from the tree.    And that tree now has a lot of homeless under it.
We are a nasty city now.  And that makes sense as we have always been a company town and this company that now dominates Amazon has a nasty temper.  That article in the New York Times that opened the door to the culture and ethics (or lack thereof) that dominate the corporate philosophy dominate.  Many liberal cities have similar ways.  San Francisco and Portland are all part of the bookend that defines the West Coast.  LA and San Diego to the south are too big frankly too spread out to larger cities and towns that comprise those areas to really have this persona I call the Scold.
We do it better here than most and as our Teacher’s fill the streets you are hearing it now in earnest. The shaming and blaming that defines our current state of being. I read about my future adopted city, Nashville, in the NY Times yesterday and their Mayoral race being very un nice as not very Nashville-like.  Wow if that is the worse it gets I may be moving sooner versus later.
I loathe our Mayor I knew he was an idiot the minute he opened his mouth. But to say that opened the scold. “He is gay and he is for same sex marriage. ”  Great I am not  gay nor planning to become gay to get married so do I have a dog in that show?  What I said dog does that mean I equate dogs with gays.. isn’t that Rick Santorum?   And because I don’t view that as a major issue of import I am homophobe.  See that is how the liberal scold works.  The conservative one is well exactly the same just different words – not same sex marriage, gay marriage, immigrants no illegal immigrants. Get the distinction?   With liberals I call it the scold, with conservatives I call it bullying.  The words are different the meaning and intent are the same.  So in the case of our Mayor Murray  I don’t like him for many other reasons but okay if embarrassing and shaming me to vote for him and not disagree with you to avoid the scold,  then okay I will.  But in classic Seattle passive aggressive, I just won’t tell you I disagree with you and that I actually voted for someone else.   That is happening again and again from the larger elections to the current Teacher strike.  If you don’t stick to the script you are a “ist” or a “they” as if that is some group that meets in an undisclosed location under the freeway on ramp.
Well we could but there are already people living there.  I am having debates and now just not having any discussions about the rise in homeless and the idea of tent towns.  There has to be something and then I read this article below, I liked it and its been done so why are we not doing it? We can’t we need every space and nook and cranny to build overpriced cell pods or apartments to shove the Amazonians in.  The tech sector gets rent breaks called “fees” waived if they work for one of the designated employers in the City.  Wow just wow and its not illegal nor discriminatory in the least.
I can’t pay MY rent next month I am sure they will move right in.

The Solution to Seattle’s Homeless Problem Is Painfully Obvious

More than 15 years ago, Seattle began experimenting with Housing First and then pretty much stopped. Utah kept going and has virtually eliminated chronic homelessness. Can we do the same?

A man named Ray sits in the shady weeds under the I-5 freeway near Boren Avenue. Beside him, a tattered couch resides atop a mottled carpet where a Hershey bar lies in a melted heap. Wide-set hazel eyes sit behind oval-framed lenses that Ray says he found on a chair in Occidental Park. His dark-brown hair is overgrown and untamed, and crumbs from his Subway turkey sandwich have made a mess of the baggy black pants that cover his long, pole-thin legs. He says he’s 54 and has been living hand-to-mouth for two years, most of the time in Eugene, Portland, or Seattle.
“Sometimes I go to a shelter, but I’d rather be out here when the weather’s good, plus they kicked me out. Said I had a screw loose or something like that,” says Ray, amid the honk and hiss of the freeway above. Hands slightly trembling as he clutches his hand-rolled cigarette between his fingers, Ray slaps on his St. Louis Cardinals cap, its red beak badly frayed. “Man, I used to work there in a cement plant, south of town. That was a long time ago. I’d like to get back there someday. Just need a little dough.”
“Don’t listen to him, he’s a crazy asshole,” yells a camp compatriot kiddingly.
With that, Ray, with several top teeth missing, smiles like a jack-o’-lantern, and one can sense that some form of mental illness envelops him. Still, when he enthuses in a loud, raspy voice, “How ’bout those Red Birds,” even a stranger might glimpse the illuminant personality that may have bloomed as a younger man.
Ray is a member of a growing community: a homeless population that has swelled by 21 percent in King County in the past year alone. At this point, only New York, Los Angeles, and Las Vegas have greater numbers of people living on the streets than we do.
The signs of this intractable social ill become more apparent by the day: the dispossessed sleeping beneath mottled blankets in downtown alleyways and trash-strewn parks, under freeway ramps and makeshift camps.
“In the last 18 months, it has really exploded,” observes Daniel Malone, the new director of the Downtown Emergency Services Center, “and we are not keeping pace by increasing the number of shelter beds or psychiatric beds.”
Photo by Christopher Zeuthen
Washington ranks 47th of the 50 states in access to psychiatric beds, according to the Washington State Institute for Public Policy—even though much of the $90 million the state slashed from the mental-health-care system during the recession-ridden years of 2009 to 2013 has been restored.
“By not investing more heavily in mental-health treatment, we are generating more and more chronically homeless people,” opines Vince Matulionis of the United Way of King County. He adds, “It feels a lot worse now, like the homeless are far more visible in Seattle.”
No one knows the numbers for sure, but it’s clear to the Washington State Department of Transportation that there’s been a sharp spike in the number of homeless people, most probably the chronically homeless, who in burgeoning numbers are taking temporary root under I-5 in and around Seattle.
“They cut the fences to get in there,” says Jim McBride, who oversees the WSDOT highway crews charged with cleaning up the areas. “We see them stretching all the way from Ravenna at 50th and 45th Streets way down to the Duwamish Bridge. You have hypodermic needles, human waste. We have a terrible time keeping employees. I’m getting ready to retire. You can only take this for so long.”
Chloe Gale is the co-director of REACH, a nonprofit group created by the King County Public Health Department, whose 40 workers try to connect the unsheltered homeless with social-service agencies. A kind, thoughtful woman with long hair streaked with gray, she says the city’s rental market, where vacancy rates are at an all-time low, has made things worse.
Citing studies that show that a $100 increase in rent can result in a 15 percent increase in homelessness, she says, “There’s so much development now. They used to camp under the Viaduct, but they got flushed out of there because of the construction, so then they started moving more into downtown and up to Capitol Hill. But now with all the development going on, they’re going under the bridges and freeways.”
“There’s a lot of misconception about these people,” says REACH employeee Kelly Craig. “I’ve been to camps under the freeway near Eastlake, and I’ve seen camps with people growing vegetables and flowers, beautiful little camps. There was one camp in the Queen Anne greenbelt where there was an umbrella, a little table, and all the shoes lined up neatly outside this wooden structure.”
To get into a real home, though, is a Herculean task for many of these chronically homeless, requiring them to first pass through a gauntlet of social programs to get them “housing-ready.” Individual success stories exist, but the numbers don’t lie: The system is not working. Most of it, anyway.
“We’ve done some innovative things like 1811 [Eastlake],” says Malone of a decade-old pilot program that provides permanent housing for the chronically homeless. “But we haven’t invested enough to scale. Utah came here and learned how to do it, and then they really went back and took it to scale.”
Left: Grace Mary Manor houses many of Salt Lake City’s chronically homeless while Seattle’s (right) remain in encampments. Photo by Kaia D’Albora.

Far from Seattle, beneath a gleaming Utah sun, Lloyd Pendleton climbs into his light-brown F-150 Ford pickup on a warm mid-August morning, guns the engine, and heads south from the airport. In the distance the craggy Wasatch range beckons, while the statue of the angel Moroni prevails over Salt Lake City’s skyline, his golden trumpet raised atop the highest spire of the Salt Lake Temple, a majestic granite creation of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
A devout Mormon, at 75 Pendleton still works endless hours, to his wife’s occasional dismay, to put an end to chronic homelessness in Utah, among the reddest states in the Union. And he’s become quite famous for his efforts. As we begin a day-long tour of attractive apartment complexes that today house the state’s most incorrigible homeless population, he attributes the recent spate of glowing national media attention to a speech he gave in Casper, Wyoming.
“It was in November 2013,” Pendleton begins. “I was at a luncheon of business and political leaders, and I told them how we were eliminating chronic homelessness by giving them permanent housing and that it was working. So anyway, the story in the Casper paper got picked up by NPR, and next thing I know I was getting calls from all over the country.”
In January, Pendleton even landed an invite to The Daily Show, telling correspondent Hasan Minhaj “We did it by giving homes to homeless people.”
An elegant man with silvery hair and pale blue eyes, Pendleton, who could be mistaken for Senator Harry Reid, is trim and decorous in gray trousers, a button-down shirt, and cinnamon-colored cowboy boots. It’s the same dapper look he sported in the late 1960s as a financial analyst for the Ford Motor Company, where he was hired straight out of school after earning an MBA from Brigham Young University.
“I remember feeling like a country hick when I was sitting around with all these guys from Yale and Harvard at headquarters [in Dearborn, Michigan]. But none of them out-worked me.”
Raised on a small cattle ranch and dairy farm in a remote desert town on the far western fringe of Utah, it took a long while for Pendleton to reject the notion that a person living on the street wasn’t simply lazy and indolent and had only himself to blame for his plight.
“When I was 6 or 7, I was milking the cows, chopping wood, even driving a truck out there in Vernon,” remembers Pendleton. “I was used to hard work, and so I’d tell these homeless guys, ‘You lazy bums. Go get a job.’ I figured that’s all they needed.”
Pendleton is a big name in the Beehive State. After leaving Ford, he went to work managing the L.D.S. Church Welfare Department, a huge Salt City corporation which helps church members with food, money, and a place to live if they lose their job or home. “This is where I was exposed to the homelessness, and I got to know these people and their problems,” he says. “I learned their stories, and when I found that they’re human just like me, we became brothers and sisters.”
Pendleton’s work at the charity caught the attention of then-Gov. Jon Huntsman, who convinced him to take the job as director of Utah’s Homeless Task Force.
“So in 2003 at a big meeting in Chicago, there were all these homeless providers who were saying they wanted to end homelessness in 10 years,” recounts Pendleton. “And I thought, ‘What are you guys smoking?’ I didn’t think it could be done, because there are too many personal choices—alcohol, drugs, and all that.”
At that meeting, Pendleton was introduced to a program called Housing First, which finds the homeless houses first and takes care of their other needs later. “Yeah, I had an epiphany,” he recalls. “I’m flying back here, and I thought that if there’s any state that could do this, it would be Utah. We are collaborative, caring, and very compassionate.”
Pendleton managed to mobilize the Mormon Church, unite homeless-services providers throughout the state, and convince many skeptical politicians back in 2005 that in 10 years he would virtually eradicate the problem of chronic homelessness, defined as someone who has spent at least a year living on the streets and has other problems as well: a mental illness, substance abuse, or a physical disability.
Of the nearly 600,000 homeless people in the U.S., the vast majority, some 85 percent, spend relatively short periods of time (“the episodic homeless,” they are often called) sleeping in shelters and the like, according to the U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness. The remaining 15 percent are the real desperadoes—the ones who have fallen so far that night after night spent in a soggy blanket must suffice for a permanent home.
In 2005, Utah was home to 1,932 chronically homeless people. Today there are 178—a remarkable 91 percent drop statewide.
“It can be done. It’s not rocket science,” says Pendleton. “You just need the political will.”
Utah’s Housing First program resulted in housing like the Bailey Bud Apartments.

What Utah did was discard the old paradigm long employed by social-service agencies nationwide, which, in essence, dictates that first one needs to make the homeless “housing-ready”—meaning they should be placed in temporary crisis shelters or halfway houses and complete drug-rehabilitation treatment or mental-health counseling or both before they can expect to live permanently in their own apartment. This concept, sometimes called “linear residential treatment” or “continuum of care,” often fails because very few chronically homeless people ever complete the work required to become “ready.”
“If you have to worry where you’re going to be sleeping tonight, you’re not going to care about dealing with staying clean,” Pendleton explains as we pass strip malls filled with Mexican food trucks and a scatter of old, wood-peeling clapboard houses on the city’s poorer west side. “Everyone living on the streets deserves a home, and we operate on the belief that no one should have to prove that they are ready or worthy of residing in their own place.”
The new model emerged from an extensive study that began in 1992 under the direction of a New York University psychologist named Sam Tsemberis. He and his associates, a group called Pathways to Housing, provided apartments in Manhattan and Westchester County, N.Y., to 242 chronically homeless individuals.
Few restrictions were imposed. No tests to take, no rehabilitation programs to attend, no forms to fill out. The longtime street denizens could still drink, take drugs, whatever, as long as they didn’t hurt anyone or bother their neighbors. Let them decide, the thinking went, whether they wanted to avail themselves of free counseling, health care, or substance-abuse treatment.
What Tsemberis discovered is that permanent housing can actually foster sobriety and stability, not the other way around. The results were amazing. Five years later, 88 percent of the participants were still in their apartments, and the costs of their care had been dramatically reduced.
One study, in fact, found that each New York City homeless individual suffering from a mental illness—which is the reality for a large segment of the chronically homeless population—costs an average of $40,449 a year in emergency-room visits, police intervention, incarceration, and shelter expenses. Getting that individual into permanent supportive housing, though, saved taxpayers an average of $16,282.
And in Utah, says Pendleton, the price tag of providing an apartment and case workers to Housing First clients is about $11,000 a year, compared to $17,000 annually if they remain on the streets.
Tsemberis told Seattle Weekly in a recent telephone interview that “The system we have had is that if you see someone on the street, well, then, the only solution is to get them detoxed or something. The key to all this is that we have to treat the chronically homeless as human beings . . . Housing First has showed us that no one has to be housing-ready.”
Following its early success in New York City, the Housing First idea caught fire. By 2003, the Bush Administration had bought in and promoted the idea while encouraging communities nationwide to draft a detailed “Ten-Year Plan to End Homelessness” by the year 2015. Seattle, says Tsemberis, was one of the first cities to embrace Housing First, but “never took it to scale.” He adds, “No one has made the kind of political commitment to the program the way Utah did.”
But, as Pendleton can attest, it is not an easy sell. “Landlords and even the politicians said to me, ‘Wait a minute, we can’t put alcoholics and drug users right into permanent housing,’ ” Pendleton recalls. “There was a lot of skepticism, so finally I had an idea: Let’s run a small test pilot program.
“So we went out and found the worst of worst, people on streets for many years, people with serious mental illness—the very worst. And then we [the task force] convinced landlords to give them apartments, and we [the state of Utah] gave them health care and other services. There were 17 people in the pilot, and after 22 months, they were all still in those apartments. Oh yeah, we all became true believers after that.”
Squeezing a packet of ketchup onto a platter of fries at a Seattle diner last month, Bill Hobson has a lot to say about the sorry state of homelessness in his city.
“In this town, it’s difficult to get the political community interested in anything but homeless families, homeless veterans, and homeless children. They got plans for all them, but there’s never been one to end chronic homelessness,” says Hobson, who retired in July after 31 years running the Downtown Emergency Services Center, the city’s largest nonprofit dealing with the homeless. Hobson is well respected among the city’s social-service providers. Seattle mayors dating back to Norm Rice have made certain to return his calls.
Lloyd Pendleton himself came a-calling during a Seattle visit in 2004, looking for advice when he was putting the final touches on Utah’s ambitious Housing First plan, aware of Hobson’s involvement in the late 1990s in one of the earliest permanent supportive-housing units in the nation: 1811 Eastlake, an $11.2 million project for 75 homeless men and women identified as chronic alcoholics.
“He was my mentor,” says Pendleton. “When he came to Utah and saw what we’d done, I remember Bill said to me, ‘I’d kill for the kind of collaboration you’d had here. In Seattle, everyone does their own thing.’ ”
Hobson goes on. “This town I think is pretty progressive, but in the Ten-Year Plan to End Homelessness, we ignored federal policy. We didn’t do a thing about the chronically homeless, and that’s been a big mistake. Study after study has shown that leaving the chronically homeless on the street is a lot more expensive than building affordable housing. It is an investment against greater downstream costs.
“For every 100 low-income households in King County, there are 15 apartments that are affordable. We got rid of all the flophouses and SRO’s [single-room occupancy units] decades ago, and they are now all high-end condos. I don’t fault building a more livable, attractive city, but we didn’t realize the cost of displacement. Until we turn this around and invest heavily in affordable, permanent housing for the homeless, we’ll never make any dramatic impact on people sleeping in the streets, living in shelters, in tents.”
The United Way’s Matulionis was part of the group that launched King County’s Ten-Year Plan to End Homeless, a report that he concedes paid scant attention to the need for permanent supportive housing for the chronically homeless—something that he says has been rectified in the updated “July 2015 to July 2019 Strategic Plan” prepared by the Seattle/King County Committee to End Homelessness.
The revised plan states, “Our goal is for all chronically homeless adults to be housed or in a shelter and on a pathway to housing. This will require significant new investment in Permanent Supportive Housing, the evidence-based solution to chronic homelessness.”
To meet this goal would require the city and county to rethink its priorities. In 2014, the city spent $40.8 million on various homeless services, spread across 183 contracts and 60 agencies. Of that, $28.7 million went toward intervention, such as emergency shelter, case management, outreach programs, and health care. Another $7 million was allocated toward prevention that included short-term rental assistance and getting landlords to accept homeless people with rental-assistance vouchers. Only about $7.6 million went to building permanent housing.
Sola Plumacher, Community Support & Assistance Division Director for the city’s Department of Human Resources, says DHS oversees 1,085 permanent housing units in Seattle, with about half dedicated to the chronically homeless. “We need at least 3,000 more units,” she estimates.
Back in Salt Lake City, Pendleton pulls up to the Sunrise Metro Apartments and is greeted warmly by the staff. The handsome four-story brick building opened in 2007, the first of five Housing First projects built in Salt Lake City, multimillion-dollar structures funded with state, local, and federal money and private donations. About 100 formerly homeless people live here and pay $50 a month, or 30 percent of their income, whichever is more.
“There has to be accountability,” says Pendleton. “That’s why they pay a little rent. And if they don’t pay, they are evicted. Or if they are violent, they are evicted.” (The eviction rate, though, is low: only 6 percent each year of the more than 600 residents in the five Housing First complexes.)
Pendleton says that about 10 percent of the participants leave the program to strike out on their own, and that the vast majority are successful in forging a new independent life. Also, each participant has a caseworker to help them stay on the straight and narrow and perhaps assist them in finding a job, though they still get to keep their apartment if that doesn’t work out. Same goes if they keep abusing drugs or alcohol.
The one- and two-bedroom apartments are the kind you might see in a college dormitory. There’s a nice wooden table and chairs, a plush leather chair, a bed, dishes, towels, a walk-in closet, a refrigerator, a sink, and a stove, which comes with a 15-minute timer “so they don’t burn the place down,” says Nils Abramson, one of Sunset’s five caseworkers.
Most of the furniture is donated by the church, as is the food, which residents pick up weekly in the downstairs pantry. Outside, there’s a courtyard, beautifully landscaped, where volleyball tournaments are played. In one corner of the commons, a memorial garden has been planted in honor of residents who have died.
About 25 percent of the residents in the Housing First network have low-paying jobs. The rest are on Social Security Disability or Supplemental Security Income.
For many, the adjustment is difficult. “Some of the residents keep their rooms immaculate. Others trash it. It’s like they’re still living in a homeless camp,” says Abramson. “We’ve had people living here for four years, and they are still sleeping on the floor, and they’re still hoarding food or getting it out of garbage dumpsters, even though it’s free here.”
Pendleton sees a resident he knows, Terri. He asks what she’s up to. “I’m just looking for a psychiatrist. They say I’m insane,” she replies. She’s joking, but like everyone here, she’s got issues.
Raised by a single mother, an alcoholic, in Fort Collins, Colorado, Terri had an abusive marriage, her life dragged further down by booze and drugs. She’s been living outdoors for more than a year, and after a few months at the Road House, a huge 800-bed shelter in Salt Lake City, she managed to get herself into Sunrise. “It’s hard. It takes a while to realize you’re safe,” she says.
Over at Grace Mary Manor, home to 84 residents—many of them afflicted with disabling conditions: cancer, severe depression and anxiety, brain injuries—caseworker Kay Luther says, “There are no requirements [in Housing First] to attend addiction treatment or mental-health counseling. My job is to treat them with unconditional positive regard. We do everything we can for them, but we’re not disciplinarians. All we ask is that they pay their rent and be good neighbors.”
It’s not a bad life at Grace, where the average resident was homeless for eight years before entering the Housing First facility. There’s a gym, a huge barbecue underneath the gazebo, a library with bay windows and comfy leather chairs.
Caseworkers, who are required to check in with their clients at least once a day, see their share of desperation. Says Luther: “These are people who have destroyed every relationship in their lives.”
Darren Deane is a caseworker at Palmer Court, a converted Holiday Inn, where one resident has scrawled this note on his door: “I’m already disturbed, so please come in.” Deane reflects, “You know, we never see the family until they die, and then the relatives come. And they’ll say things like, ‘I’m so glad Uncle Ed died here. We’re so grateful that he could spend his final years here.” ’
Seattle has recently taken steps toward addressing its homeless population in earnest. Earlier this year, Mayor Ed Murray made waves when he announced what, compared to Pendleton’s program, is a modest plan to install three tent cities to house 200 of Seattle’s homeless. It received mixed reviews. Some complained that they didn’t want encampments in their neighborhoods, but most agreed that something needed to be done.
“It’s absolutely a Band-Aid approach, but we have to do it,” stresses Plumacher.
As Murray told the Weekly last month, “Homeless encampments are a solution to nothing but a safer night for some. I don’t want them dying or getting killed out there.”
Hobson says we must do more. “The Mayor and the [King] County Executive, and their staffs, they are all singing the right music, but their recommendations are tepid,” he argues. “What we are doing is not nearly enough. It will take over a billion dollars to do what’s needed to build enough affordable housing in King County to handle the homeless.”
Even if the city could secure the funds, there remains the issue of placing such housing. The bitter fight between community activists and the city over the placement of Murray’s tent cities signals that this would be no easy task. In this regard, Seattle might not be that different from Salt Lake City.
“Seattle has this reputation for being generous, and that’s the reason why the homeless are coming here,” Hobson says. “That’s bullshit. We are no different than any other metropolitan area.”
Before entering the Kelly Benson Apartments in West Valley City, a charming 59-unit complex on the outskirts of Salt Lake City that caters to once-homeless people 55 and older, Pendleton says pridefully. 
“We have no labels here. There is nothing to indicate that this is a place where the chronically homeless live.”
Of all the buildings in Housing First’s portfolio, this was the most challenging endeavor. “We encountered a lot of not-in-my-neighborhood sentiment here. There’s an elementary school nearby, and there were people who figured the kids were going to be raped and pillaged. We made a big mistake here, not paving the way first with the community.”
Pendleton says he learned from that experience that you have to forge a consensus in the beginning—get community leaders on board and invite neighborhood association groups, church pastors, and local elected officials to visit the site of the proposed facility, or even show them other places where the program has succeeded.
“It all worked out, though, in the end. Kelly Benson is part of the neighborhood now,” exults Pendleton. “We have families who bring food and clothing in. The kids wave to the residents on their way to school.”
One of those residents is Russell Flowers, a big, burly man who found his way to Utah’s capital city in 2009. The recession was at full boil and Flowers wasn’t making it in Memphis. He knew Utah had—and still has—one of the nation’s lowest unemployment rates, and he figured he might find work at the Kennecott Utah Copper Corporation’s Bingham Canyon Mine, one of the largest open-pit copper mines in the world, a 15-minute drive southwest of Salt Lake City.
“I did demolition work in Memphis. Figured they can use me at the mine,” he says inside the sun-washed community room at Kelly Benson. “I had $1,600 with me when I left and the money got stolen. I got here with 40 cents in my pocket.”
Flowers says he found a shelter near the Salt Lake City bus depot and landed odd jobs at construction sites and shoveling snow in Park City. “Then I got an apartment until the money ran out, and then [in 2009] I had the heart attack.” For two years he bounced from shelters to group homes, spending many a night outdoors, until coming to Kelly Benson in 2011, where he pays $271 from the $936 in Permanent Disability he collects monthly. “My daddy used to say ‘People shy away from people who get sick, so don’t get sick.’ ” Like under-the-freeway Ray, Flowers yearns someday to get back to the city he came from. “But I don’t know if that’s going to ever going to happen.”
Pendleton gives Flowers a pat on the back and asks him whether he’d like to make a trip with him to Los Angeles in mid-September and speak at a conference of homeless providers about his experiences in the Housing First program.
Flowers eagerly accepts. “It’d be nice to get out of here for a while,” he tells Pendleton. “I could use a change of scenery.” 

Wake Up

I was unsure if I should reprint this article as I live in city awash with many just like this man.

Frequently I see them being younger and younger as the lure of legal marijuana and the idea that we have jobs over the federal minimum wage (not 15, yet but 11) brings many with backpacks and the camp gear that is required for living on our streets, parks and freeway on ramps.  We have now put corridor barricades along a block of the city and pigeon rails on any potential curb or abutment that would enable someone to sit along all in the name of stopping drug deals.  It is not working but let’s pretend that adding more homeless encampments will stave off the rising rents and increasing income disparity that is living in Seattle.   This like the other cities we mirror, Portland, San Francisco, Denver, Austin and a few other desirable cities are finding ourselves overwhelmed with the problem children. But then they grow up and go away or don’t.

This story shows that mental illness can strike anyone anywhere at anytime.  It can happen to your family members, friends, co-workers, neighbors or to the stranger you pass on the street.

I have many I would like to ask why they failed to help this man, clearly his family has tried but the resources available to the alumni of Harvard, the Law firms where he worked, the abject failure of the American Bar Association shows me once again that when you are a part of the elite you are a member of the club but that membership can be withdrawn at any time. And then there is the obvious, the system of justice that simple jails these individuals rather than try to find a way to get him the treatment and help he needs. The Judge sitting must at some point realize the irony “there by the grace of God go I.”

This is a story of a failure of our mental health programs that a man can achieve all that the American Dream convinces us possible and then like all dreams we wake up.

The homeless man who went to Harvard Law with John Roberts

The Washington Post
By Terrence McCoy
July 13

The judge settled his gaze on the homeless man accused of sleeping beside an office building in downtown Washington.

It was a Saturday afternoon in early April at D.C. Superior Court, and Alfred Postell, a diagnosed schizophrenic, stood before Judge Thomas Motley.

Postell’s hair was medium length and graying. His belly spilled over his pants. A tangled beard hung from his jowls.

“You have the right to remain silent,” a deputy clerk told Postell, according to a transcript of the arraignment. “Anything you say, other than to your attorney, can be used against you.”

“I’m a lawyer,” Postell replied.

Motley ignored the seemingly bizarre assertion, mulling over whether Postell, charged with unlawful entry, posed a flight risk.

“I have to return,” Postell protested, offering a convoluted explanation: “I passed the Bar at Catholic University, was admitted to Constitution Hall. I swore the Oath of Office as an attorney at Constitution Hall in 1979; graduated from Harvard Law School in 1979.”

That got Motley’s attention. He’d also graduated from Harvard Law School in 1979.

“Mr. Postell, so did I,” Motley said. “I remember you.”

This homeless man — who totes his belongings in white plastic bags, haunts the intersection of 17th and I streets NW and sometimes sleeps at a church — studied law alongside U.S. Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. and former Wisconsin senator Russ Feingold. All of them graduated from Harvard in 1979.

Motley, who declined to be interviewed for this story, paused for a moment before concluding, “But I have no choice in the matter.”

He ordered his former classmate back to the D.C. jail until the charges against him could be resolved.

An educated man

In a city with thousands of homeless people, Postell may be the District’s most academically distinguished. Diplomas, awards and certificates clutter a closet at his mother’s apartment, buried artifacts of a lost life. He holds three degrees: one in accounting, one in economics, and one in law.

On a summer evening, he sits inside a McDonald’s on 17th Street NW, a white towel wrapped around his head like a turban.

Listening to him talk about his life is like dive-bombing into a dream. Everything at first sounds normal. But things quickly fall into disorder. The chronology hiccups. Incongruous thoughts collide.

“Charleston,” he says, “I owned property there, in the city proper. The cotton fields were past the city limits. The cotton fields: They were past the city limits. I picked cotton once in my life. But the cotton fields were past the city limits. I lived within the city. We had property there. We inherited the property. Shortly thereafter, I drove to San Diego, California. I was in love with a girl.”

But these pronouncements always arc back to a single idea. It anchors Postell in the turbulent waters of his schizophrenia. Postell, he tells himself and others, is an educated man. He worked hard. He did right.

Postell, born in 1948, was the only child of a mother who was a seamstress and a father who installed and fixed awnings. He grew up knowing what it meant to live without. He was a normal boy, says his mother, Ruth Priest, but always focused and motivated.

He wanted more than what his parents had. So after graduating from the District’s Coolidge High School, he juggled a day job while working his way through an associate’s degree at Strayer College. Achievement fed achievement. He passed the CPA exam and took a job as the audit manager at an accounting firm, Lucas and Tucker, where he said he pulled in an annual salary of more than $50,000 — big money back then. But Postell wasn’t done. He went to the University of Maryland for a degree in economics. Then, even before he’d graduated, he clacked off an application to Harvard Law — and was accepted.

“It seems like every couple of years I would become aware of a new achievement or plateau that you have reached,” wrote E. Burns McLindon, a prominent Bethesda accountant who instructed Postell at Strayer, in a letter Postell framed. Strayer had just given Postell its Outstanding Alumni Achievement Award. “Your example,” wrote McLindon, who died in 2012, “serves as a true example to our young people today to gather up within themselves the determination and ambition to succeed.”
‘One of the top students’

Scrolling through the 1979 Harvard Law School yearbook online is an exercise not unlike watching a segment of “Before They Were Famous.” There’s ­moppy-haired John Roberts. There’s grinning Ray Anderson, who went on to become the NFL’s executive vice president of football operations. There’s 24-year-old Thomas Motley, active in the Black Law Student Association, in a suit and tie. And there’s Alfred Postell.

He’s 31, older than most of the others, wears a neatly trimmed mustache and has a receding hairline. He bears the look of a man who has already had success in life. And expects much more to follow.

Classmate Marvin Bagwell, several years Postell’s junior, remembers him arriving to class in a coat and bow tie while others stumbled in, sleepy-eyed.

“There was a very quiet dignity about him,” says Bagwell, now a vice president at a large insurance company. “He was brilliant and could ask introspective questions that got to the core of the matter.”

Echoes of that sentiment emerged in interviews with five classmates. “He worked extremely hard and was extremely disciplined,” says classmate Piper Kent-Marshall, a longtime senior counsel with Wells Fargo.

And he was immaculately dressed and groomed. “I wouldn’t have been surprised if someone told me he manicured his nails,” another classmate says.

That’s why the Harvard grads were so surprised to learn what had become of Postell. How could this man — so articulate, so elegant — end up eking out an all-but invisible existence on the fringes of the nation’s capital?

“It is an in­cred­ibly tragic and sad story,” Kent-Marshall says, “because in law school, he was one of the top students and a very, very, very bright and charming man.”

‘Living the rich life’

If there are clues to what precipitated Postell’s descent into schizophrenia, they’re buried in the years after he graduated and returned to the District.

He took a job at what was then known as Shaw Pittman Potts & Trowbridge, a respected law firm that had the year before tried but failed to recruit future Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor. In those years, the firm was expanding at rapid clip. When Postell arrived, according to two people who worked there at the time, he was the firm’s only black lawyer. Bolstered by his background in accounting, he was put on the tax team and soon came to know a young lawyer named Frederick Klein.

The two of them were hired within a year of each other. Both made $35,000. Klein was struck by how well Postell dressed. “He was very urbane,” says Klein, now with DLA Piper Global Law Firm. He was cultured, thoughtful and soft-spoken.

Postell was so soft-spoken, in fact, that several lawyers who worked at Shaw Pittman couldn’t recall anything about him. Klein and two others who did remember him couldn’t or wouldn’t say why the firm let him go a few years after he was hired.

“I am not comfortable talking to you about this,” Martin Krall, once a partner at Shaw Pittman, writes in an e-mail. “It happened too long ago, I have not been a partner in the firm for more than 20 years and do not have access to its personnel files, if they even exist for matters this old.”

That few remember what happened to Postell perhaps betrays the illness that seized him. Schizophrenia creeps. Some people, especially those as accomplished as Postell, can hide their symptoms for months. As the victim withdraws from social and work life, plunging into isolation, relatives, friends and co-workers may not notice anything amiss.

[From the archives: My son is schizophrenic and homeless]

Then there’s a snap. Psychologists refer to this moment as a “psychotic break” or a “first break.” It’s when a victim’s slackening grip on reality finally ruptures, cleaving their lives into two clear categories: before and after.

“This kind of rapid decline is sadly not uncommon,” says Richard Bebout, director of Green Door, a mental-illness center that works with the homeless. “I know people who have gone to medical school, graduated college in the top of their class, then get struck down. It’s like the story of John Nash of ‘A Beautiful Mind.’ ”

But the speed can leave families grasping for answers.

“He had all of these fancy things, a nice boat that he used to sail all over the place,” says one relative, LaTonya Sellers Postell. “He was living the rich life. Then he just all of a sudden, he bugged out. No one knows exactly why it happened. . . . He lost all of his material things. It’s been crazy. Absolutely crazy.”

Even his mother, now 85, can’t explain what happened. A darkness one day fell over her son, Priest says. He kept talking about getting arrested. He thought the police were after him. Then he had a bad breakup with a woman he loved. Shortly afterward, Postell had his psychotic break.

“I was afraid,” his mother says. “. . . He ran downstairs, and I said, ‘What is wrong? What is wrong?’ And I tried to slap him a little bit to bring him back. And he started crying. . . . And from there, it went down, down, down, down.”
‘Beyond my useful life’

When Postell’s mother didn’t think she could care for him anymore, she turned to a local pastor, Marie Carter, who took him into her home on Allison Street NE in the mid-1980s.

Her daughter, now 60, thought Postell would be there for a few weeks or months. Instead he stayed decades, losing whole days to the television or lounging in a nearby park, watching people pass.

It’s a strange thing, how quickly 30 years can go by. The only mark Postell made on the public record in that time was in the form of criminal charges. He picked up a theft charge in 1989 in Ocean City District Court. He also got hit with some misdemeanor charges in the District in the 1990s. But beyond that, he’s been a ghost.

“You get into a firm, it’s prestigious,” Postell says. “And when you lose that position, it’s like suicide. It’s all over. It’s atrophy. Or as accountants say, it’s to be obsolete. You know what that means? Obsolescence. Beyond your useful life. I was beyond my useful life.”

Postell drifted. He began haunting the same storefronts every day. One was Avondale Coffee Shop on Michigan Avenue NE — until the owner barred him from the premises, leading to his arrest in April of 2014. Postell also found his way to the Brawner Building at 17th and I streets. Police have arrested him twice there, charging him with two counts of unlawful entry — allegations that, after 30 years, thrust Postell back into the orbit of Thomas Motley.

After graduating from Harvard, Motley worked at Steptoe & Johnson, a prominent D.C. law firm. He then became a federal prosecutor, before being appointed to the bench by President Bill Clinton.

The day Motley arraigned Postell, the homeless man didn’t recognize him. Too many years had gone by. But Postell would later say he remembered Motley from class. (He does not, however, recall Chief Justice Roberts.)

In June, Postell was acquitted of one charge of unlawful entry. An additional charge of unlawful entry and failure to appear were dismissed. And so, most days he’s back at the Brawner Building near Farragut Square. Rhett Rayos, the building’s manager, says he hopes Postell can “get the support and services he needs.”

And there is hope for Postell. The mental health team at Green Door has begun working with him, as has Pathways to Housing, another organization that helps the homeless. His mother has tried to scrape together some money to get him off the street.

But none of that seems to interest Postell on a recent morning outside the Brawning Building. He sits alone. Newspapers are scattered about his feet. He picks up one.

“The newspaper used the term ‘troglodyte,’ ” he says. “Troglodyte: Cave dweller.”

Postell then loses himself in memories. “I lived in an apartment building in Presidential Towers. I could be considered a cave dweller. I had a balcony. A balcony on the top floor. An apartment on the top floor of the Presidential Towers. I could be considered a cave dweller.”

Poor Me

Much like the notion of what defines the middle class also affects the definition of poor. We equate poor with color, one color specifically – black.

Well to understand the actual percentage of black people who are poor, not including African immigrants classified as “black” or literally African Americans we need to actually look at Census data that includes yes, saying it, segregated populations of those native born American black identifying individuals, their income and the relationship to that income to where they live and the poverty level for that area. This is opposed to the much maligned Federal standard of poverty who pretty much has anyone making below a threshold of income as “poor.”

We know that to be poor in San Francisco being below 75K is pushing the boundaries for a family of four but not in you are single and working with health care covered and living in reasonable and affordable housing (which is now near to impossible but hey let’s pretend). This is different for a family of four making the same in Cleveland or in fact Minnesota which has an amazing standard middle class threshold and well worth looking at for its budget surplus.

If you are curious how this works, CNN has a cost per living by state calculator and you can play with that all day!

But when it comes to understanding who is poor we often equate that with color of skin not color of money.

I live in a city largely white with displaced people of color being moved further into the hinterlands daily. A young man in the class thought the photo of Mt. Rainier was Everest as he had “never been there.” While meanwhile if we all walked out to the main street in front of the school, Rainier Avenue (irony) you could see Rainier to the south. There is so much wrong there I am not sure what to say but moving on. So one would think the larger homeless population would be faces of color. Yes I do have to Latino men living in the park by my house and there are a few men of color I see pushing carts nearby but the largest faces of indigent homeless – white.

Now why the come here is under some weird notion that we have tons of social services that exceed the norm being we are “liberal.” We have legal pot. We have a higher minimum wage. It is pretty here. It has jobs here. It is whatever bullshit and PR you read about. And it is overflowing with poor. We have one public hospital, Harborview and it is not called Harborzoo for nothing. We have truly garbage public schools, I know this personally. We have no more housing for the poor then we do the homeless but we have legal encampments called “Nicklesvilles” after a Mayor in a form of derision which is now, irony again, some type of honor as the current Mayor wants more of them. And yes you can see Mt. Rainier in the horizon and the Cascades and Olympics on both sides so we are a pretty city. But we have massive problems with the “poor.”

I think this article from the Atlantic cites a recent study that best describes how the word poor is a euphemism for black. And the reality is that with that comes the idea that blacks are lazy and rely on social services for income. And in reality they are the least to receive them. That also makes sense in proportion to actual population as the article neglects to mention. You can’t have more people taking more when they don’t exist.

But in reality we like to categorize and believe our unicorn mythology that working hard is the key to the door with the ladder which you can climb to the top. Of course that again is a matter of perception and an ingrained racism that we have yet to truly address. And if those in the know knew that in fact it was white people who were the most affected by poverty then see that SNAP program and other social safety nets get expanded. But that would require again actual effort to know and give a shit. Two things in America we are in short supply of – knowledge and caring.

To the Media, ‘Black’ Is Too Often Shorthand for ‘Poor’.
By Joe Pinsker
….
What does poverty look like in America?

Judging by how it’s portrayed in the media, it looks black.

That’s the conclusion of a new study by Bas W. van Doorn, a professor of political science at the College of Wooster, in Ohio, which examined 474 stories about poverty published in Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report between 1992 and 2010. In the images that ran alongside those stories in print, black people were overrepresented, appearing in a little more than half of the images, even though they made up only a quarter of people below the poverty line during that time span. Hispanic people, who account for 23 percent of America’s poor, were significantly under-represented in the images, appearing in 13.7 percent of them.

Those discrepancies are striking, and, as van Doorn points out, sadly predictable, neatly mirroring the stereotypes of Americans more generally. In 1991, a survey found that Americans’ median guess at how many of the country’s poor people were black was 50 percent, though at the time the actual figure was 29 percent. Ten years later, another poll found that 41 percent of respondents overestimated the percentage by at least a factor of two. (In 2013, 23.5 percent of America’s poor were black.)

But it’s not just that poor people are imagined to be black—they’re also commonly thought of as lazy. In 2008, only 37.6 percent of Americans considered black people hardworking, whereas 60.9 percent said the same of Hispanic people. For white people and Asian people, these percentages were 58.6 and 64.5, respectively. “To the extent that photo editors share these stereotypes,” van Doorn writes, “it is no surprise that African Americans are over- and Hispanics are under-represented among the pictured poor.”

One potential hole in van Doorn’s study is that he analyzed weekly news magazines published in print, which makes sense when approaching the question for 1992, but made less sense by 2010. On top of that, Time and Newsweek’s print staffs (likely a relatively old-school bunch) might not be reflective of today’s entire media world. Still, some of the discrepancies between print publications’ “pictured poor” and reality are so large—38 percent of welfare recipients are black, yet 80 percent of the people pictured alongside Newsweek’s stories on welfare were black—that it’s hard to imagine that digital publications would have shaken the habit entirely.

Van Doorn is interested in the relationships between the adjectives “poor,” “black,” and “lazy,” arguing in his paper that they must have something to do with why some Americans are opposed to generous welfare programs. A 1999 book that he leans on heavily, Why Americans Hate Welfare by Martin Gilens, made the case that supporting impoverished adults with cash payouts is unpopular because white voters see such efforts as primarily benefitting black people—whom they believe to be lazy and thus undeserving. If the media’s portrayal of poverty were to reflect its actual diversity, perhaps voters would view social welfare programs more favorably. But that wouldn’t change the underlying phenomenon: that many still believe skin color says something about work ethic.

Oh the humanity

I cannot stress enough the lack of actual mental health counseling and services we have available. There are few to some practitioners who are both qualified and capable, most of the mental health counseling seems to come from Social Workers who are neither educated nor trained, counselors in schools who are also not trained nor educated, Ministers or Priests (and again not trained and have a perspective that is faith based) and regular Physicians whose ideas of mental heath care is take a pill.

I recall the exposes by varying journalists and news magazines that exposed the abuse, neglect and distress in institutions of yore. Today that seems to be relegated to the new housing for the dammed – old peoples homes. When you house the ill, physical or mental, with little education, training, compensation, oversight and in turn full transparency you get – Prisons. And those are a whole other form of housing for the damned. It seems regardless of what country you live in, Prisons offer an entirely new form of rehabilitation that has been demonstrated on the news of late in France, Denmark, the middle east.

I have long said that we need to re-examine what this means for the physically disabled, the intellectually disabled and in turn the mentally ill. It does not have to be the place invaded by Geraldo Rivera and in turn Steilacoom of my youth that brain damaged the beautiful Frances Farmer. They can be functional and secure homes in which to provide “asylum” in the better sense of the word.

We are such a politically correct and fearful nation of offending anyone, yet what we do is legislate the hell over everything so that we can simply point to some bizarrely written law that was done to placate or obfuscate the needs of a distressed family and/or professional lobbyist.

I wrote about the struggle the AIA is having in designing jails for kids. And we have heard nothing from Doctors who inject drugs into prisoners to kill them yet they do. I have no doubt if we return to executions by firing squad, hanging or electric chairs we will hear nothing from any of the superfluous providers of those instruments. In fact I am sure the NRA will be there guns a blazing to assist.

We are a country plagued by ethics of which we pick and choose them, like our science, our religion our elected officials based on whim or affiliations. We love our “ists” as it gives us excuses, explanations or justifications for why we do what we do. Ethics are as flux as the wind and the people walking within it and the money blowing in it.

The Modern Asylum

By CHRISTINE MONTROSS
FEB. 18, 2015\
The New York Times

LAST month, three ethicists from the University of Pennsylvania argued in the Journal of the American Medical Association that the movement to deinstitutionalize the mentally ill has been a failure. Deinstitutionalization, they wrote, has in truth been “transinstitutionalization.” As a hospital psychiatrist, I see this every day. Patients with chronic, severe mental illnesses are still in facilities — only now they are in medical hospitals, nursing homes and, increasingly, jails and prisons, places that are less appropriate and more expensive than long-term psychiatric institutions.

The ethicists argue that the “way forward includes a return to psychiatric asylums.” And they are right.

Their suggestion was controversial. Critics argued that people should receive treatment in the least restrictive setting possible. The Americans With Disabilities Act demanded this, as has the Supreme Court. The goals of maximizing personal autonomy and civil liberties for the mentally ill are admirable.

But as a result, my patients with chronic psychotic illnesses cycle between emergency hospitalizations and inadequate outpatient care. They are treated by community mental health centers whose overburdened psychiatrists may see even the sickest patients for only 20 minutes every three months. Many patients struggle with homelessness. Many are incarcerated.

A new model of long-term psychiatric institutionalization, as the Penn group suggests, would help them. However, I would go even further. We also need to rethink how we care for another group of vulnerable patients who have been just as disastrously disserved by policies meant to empower and protect them: the severely mentally disabled.

In the wake of deinstitutionalization, group homes for the mentally disabled were established to provide long-term housing while preserving community engagement. Rigorous regulations evolved to ensure patient safety and autonomy. However, many have backfired.

A colleague of mine who treats severely disabled patients on the autism spectrum described a young man who would become agitated in the van on outings with his group home staff. Fearing the man would open a door while the vehicle was moving, staff members told his family that he would no longer be permitted to go. When the parents suggested just locking the van doors, they were told that this infringed on patients’ freedom and was not allowed.

Group homes have undergone devastating budget cuts. Staffs are smaller, wages are lower, and workers are less skilled. Severe cognitive impairment can be accompanied by aggressive or self-injurious impulses. With fewer staff members to provide care, outbursts escalate. Group homes then have no choice but to send violent patients to the psychiatric hospital.

As a result, admission rates of severely mentally disabled patients at my hospital are rising. They join patients who are suicidal, homicidal or paranoid. We have worked to minimize the use of restraint and seclusion on my unit, but have seen the frequency of both skyrocket. Nearly every week staff members are struck or scratched by largely nonverbal patients who have no other way to communicate their distress. Attempting to soothe these patients monopolizes the efforts of a staff whose mission is to treat acute psychiatric emergencies, not chronic neurological conditions. Everyone loses.

The problem is compounded by the fact that group homes often refuse to accept patients back after they are hospitalized. One of my patients with severe autism and a mood disorder is on his 286th day of hospitalization. Another with autism and developmental disability has been on the unit for more than a year. Insurance companies won’t pay for inpatient admission once patients are no longer dangerous, so the cost of treatment is absorbed by the hospital, or paid for by taxpayers through Medicaid.

So institutionalization is already happening, but it is happening in a far less humane way than it could be. The patient with autism who has spent a year in a psychiatric hospital is analogous to the patient with schizophrenia who has spent a year in prison: Both suffer in inappropriate facilities while we pat ourselves on the back for closing the asylums in favor of community care.

Modern asylums would be nothing like the one in “One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest.” They could be modeled on residential facilities for patients with dementia, who would have languished in the asylums of yore, but whose quality of life has improved thanks to neurological and pharmacological advancements.

Asylums for the severely mentally disabled would provide stability and structure. Vocational skills would be incorporated when possible, and each patient would have responsibilities, even if they were carried out with staff assistance. Staff members would be trained to address the needs of minimally verbal adults. Sensory issues often accompany severe intellectual disability, so rooms with weighted blankets, relaxing sounds and objects to squeeze would help patients calm themselves.

Facilities for chronically psychotic patients would have medication regimens and psychoeducation tailored to the needs of those living with mental illness.

Neither my chronically psychotic nor my mentally disabled patients can safely care for themselves on their own. They deserve the relief modern institutionalization would provide. Naysayers cite the expense as prohibitive. But we are spending far more on escalating prison and court costs, and inpatient hospitalizations. More important, we are doing nothing about the chaos and suffering in patients’ lives.

We can’t continue to abandon our most vulnerable citizens in the name of autonomy.