Falling Down the Ladder

In our society we have the unicorn of meritocracy to remind us that climbing up the economic ladder is due to grit and determination, no mention of the roadblocks in place that include gender, race and birth right; Birth right means who you were born to and were they the “right” people to get you into the best schools, on the right teams and meet the right people to advance your professional/personal life. The majority of Americans were born wrong. If you are not born into the 1% your struggle to climb the ladder means some of those rungs are rather rickety. It can be done but folks it ain’t easy.

One of the most frequently clung to is the College one. That one is played on repeat so often that it has not changed in over 40 years down to the even dollar amount one is supposed to earn, you think that would have changed by now and given that many of the world’s billionaires never finished college (although where they dropped out from – Harvard says it all) explains that in fact fuck that college shit. Even Peter Thiel the crazy right wing nufuck was establishing some type of program to pay people to NOT go to college. What a miss out massive drinking blackouts, campus sexual assaults and other essential college fun times like contracting Covid, joining a cult, experimenting with your sexuality and contracting a disease like Covid making Herpes seem like a badge of honor. There is a current study in fact by Harvard where they have found that having a degree is often irrelevant when it comes to having actual transferable skills that can lead to better paying positions and earning a decent income all without the six figure debt that is forever tied to said degree. Who woulda thunk it? Well I for one after years of watching kids flounder and in fact my own useless degrees that I was fortunate enough to pay off and yet be told by Professors that working and earning said degrees was a distraction from the dedication to the program. Really you old white fuck who said you know what is right and wrong when it comes to education and money. This is why I am laughing my ass off as Universities are going what the fuck and closing programs and evaluating the years of how they did business bankrupting kids in pursuit of a “degree”. I graduated in a time of economic recession you know like now and as a woman I did shitty jobs for a decade until I went back to school and got a Masters in Education which topped my salary out at 47K for years. Oh and I owned a home and paid for it. How? My Mother died. But you see I worked full time in a retail store and made more than I ever did as a Teacher selling shoes. Go figure. And that did not change until I jumped into house flipping which is what my dad did as a kid on the side and I got married to someone who encouraged it and made money off my ideas too! I laughed when I saw that Natalie Maines of the Chicks sold the pad I sold her in Austin, which had since redone for considerable figures, for the price she paid me. Go figure. And that is real estate, just ask Trump. People will pay what is worth and the reality is that we use homes as banks as investments are for the rich, another rung we will never reach and it explains the 2008 crash. But it is now 2020 and what does the future hold? Fuck if I know. I taught English and History, I am great at looking back, forward not so much. As the way to live is in the moment and on most days I am having an incredible ride and living oddly my best life. I know that my family history and background would not have been the key to do so but it was a different time and I was fortunate to have choices and that is something I don’t take for granted as so few women do regardless of background.

But what is interesting is how we climbed and we were climbing and then we weren’t. This is no more truer than for those Black Americans were actually making larger economic gains prior to the growth of the Civil Rights Movement. Now this did not surprise me as again after WWII the same could be said for women as more entered the workplace and the access and availability of choices grew as white men went to war. That enabled a growth out of need and with that the old adage, a rising tide raised all boats. A new book, The Uprising: How America Came Together a Century Ago and How We Can Do It Again. And again by Harvard Professors, funny how the keepers of the gate of the 1% are the great enablers of myths and beliefs that we respect but rarely do. So much for the liberal elite.

In recent years, labor experts and work force organizations have argued that hiring should increasingly be based on skills rather than degrees, as a matter of fairness and economic efficiency. The research provides quantified evidence that such a shift is achievable.

“The goal is to shine a bright light on a problem and on what can be done on the ground to help this whole group of people who are struggling in the labor market,” said Erica Groshen, an economist at Cornell, a former head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics and one of the researchers who found published a broad look at the jobs, wages and skills of workers who have a high school diploma but not a four-year college degree as a National Bureau of Economic Research working paper this year. They found a significant overlap between the skills required in jobs that pay low wages and many occupations with higher pay — a sizable landscape of opportunity. You can read about this study here and realize that this is not a new thing again the landscape is littered with the success stories of varying Immigrants and others who have made it but they are not nearly as wide as people believe because of what I think is a combination of yes, systemic racism, but also fear and the rage of less the white male patriarchy but the lower rung olders who elect said patriarchs who they assume will be guardians of the gate. How many times I have heard from these white trash idiots that “Trump is their God given Savior.” Again religion is the most critical element here that does more to stagnate people than any Politician.

As I was reading the article about racial progress and how it has stagnated in the last few decades significantly post civil rights I again understood that the powers that be, Hoover and the FBI, McCarthy and other members of Congress who stood by and enabled the rise of the right from Goldwater to Wallace and my personal favorite the Voodoo President Reagan who felt it was what? God given right and anointed by God to lead (yes folks he was a religious crackpot) and spread that racist dogma to remove the safety nets that enabled people to rises above their class/caste. Fear baby fear that they will have less of the pie if they share the pie not the idea that we can simply bake more pie that is too hard. Wait we can get a Black to do it. No, what about a Mexican? No. A woman? Yes that is fine as long as she is a Christian Heterosexual, one married to a nice man of the same religion and color. One thing is certain on this ladder there is always room for a woman on the same rung as long as she will fuck the men who got her there and will keep her there.

But what stood out for me was the clear distinction of how America had gone from “we” to “I” and that is what clearly defines the “me”generation that has since come forward, from Gen X to the current Millennial cohort, their progeny who carries that baton and thinks that cancel culture, using psychobabble and other faux language means they are restoring the ‘we’. Really I think its the Gen Z kids the current ones being raised in this nightmare and it is why the leadership keeps thinking that if we get the kids back into schools they can begin to restore in the indoctrination and restoration of the bullshit they believe. Today’s kids have access and availability that few have had since this began. They are calling today’s children the “Lost Generation” in the same way they called mine in the 60’s/70’s. Funny that was when wars ended, equal rights attained and recognition of the differences in America, and for one brief moment WE shined. Then came the Voodoo President and he and she restored the solo I. As the world raged in economic downturns, AIDS plagued men and the wall came down and a new global economy arrived to destroy the planet under the guise of improving the world’s economy, America was made great again by taking away the progress made by the “others”. And then it took a pandemic to see how “we” need to do more.

As Theodore Roosevelt put it, “the fundamental rule in our national life — the rule which underlies all others — is that, on the whole, and in the long run, we shall go up or down together.”

White Coats White Care

As we take to the streets or our screens we have to realize that systemic racism and sexism dominates most of the larger institutions established in our country. And none other is as large as the medical industrial complex, and the emphasis on complex has truly come to fruition with the Coronavirus and the exposures with regards to the failings of public health. We have for years found a lack of funding for public enterprises, from housing, to education and lastly to health care has lent itself to major disparities of equity when it comes to the working poor. And no group composes the working poor more than faces of color.
There is some roots in this vested in racsim but it is also with regards to gender and now sexuality identity. The AIDS crisis exposed again how the system failed when it came to helping those who identified as Gay and had contracted that disease. It was labeled the “Gay disease” and much like Covid today, contributed to a genocide of those who were not part of the acceptable mainstream aka White/Male/Christian. Women’s rights so fought for in the 70’s and ultimately leading to the failure of the ERA, also plays a factor as men in leadership roles found that by having women enter the workplace they may have expectations reagarding rights and privileges that were largely the domain of men. We finally saw that come to head with #MeToo and again with Covid the rights of Trans folks shows again another marginalized group shoved aside when it comes to crime, violence, and of course health care.
Below are two articles, one about the failings of the MIC to properly treat, diagnose and care for faces brown and black and that implied if not overt bias dominates the field when it comes to finding medical care. The next is on reproductive rights and how the BLM group do not see this as an issue. Well then remind me why again I am not to support you, a woman, a face of color and with the genitalia we share, with the same reproductive rights issues and needs regardless of the shade of our skin. Of all groups most affected again by denial of access to abortion it has also led to closures of clinics that do more than provide abortion and in turn provide pre and post natal care, two issues of import that again largely affect faces of color. When you take away one right you have a domino affect that leads to a reduction of rights across the spectrum. Again, we have the right to care and because of the complext needs of Trans folks the access to proper medical care is essential. Got tits? Well welcome to breast cancer and the ability to screed for that or any other cancer is again a reproductive sexual right. Safe sex is informed sex and these clinics again provide essential information and education to eliminate the transmission of sexually transmitted diseases and the necessary vaccine to prevent cervical cancer.
So agai you say you don’t have time for this? Okay then don’t ask me for any time to spend on your issue. As clearly you have one where your sexuality is not a part of your identity and your identity is more than skin color.



Racism in care leads to health disparities, doctors and other experts say as they push for change
 
The Washington Post

By Tonya Russell
July 11, 2020 at 10:00 a.m. EDT

The protests over the deaths of black men and women at the hands of police have turned attention to other American institutions, including health care, where some members of the profession are calling for transformation of a system they say results in poorer health for black Americans because of deep-rooted racism.

“Racism is a public health emergency of global concern,” a recent editorial in the Lancet said. “It is the root cause of continued disparities in death and disease between Black and white people in the USA.”

A New England Journal of Medicine editorial puts it this way: “Slavery has produced a legacy of racism, injustice, and brutality that runs from 1619 to the present, and that legacy infects medicine as it does all social institutions.”

The novel coronavirus has provided the most recent reminder of the disparities, with black Americans falling ill and dying from covid-19 at higher rates than whites. Even so, the NEJM editorial noted, “when physicians describing its manifestations have presented images of dermatologic effects, black skin has not been included. The ‘covid toes’ have all been pink and white.”

Black Americans die younger than white Americans and they have higher rates of death from a string of diseases including heart diseases, stroke, cancer, asthma and diabetes.

By one measure, they are worse off than in the time of slavery. The black infant mortality rate (babies who die before their first birthday) is more than two times higher than for whites — 11.4 deaths per 1,000 live births for blacks compared with 4.9 for whites. Historians estimate that in 1850 it was 1.6 times higher for blacks — 340 per 1,000 vs. 217 for whites.

Medical professionals describe the effects of racism across specialties and illnesses. Tina Douroudian, an optometrist in Sterling, Va., has observed differences in the severity of her patients with diabetes, as well as their management plans.

“Black folks have higher rates of diabetes and often worse outcomes. It’s universally understood that nutrition counseling is the key factor for proper control, and this goes beyond telling patients to lose weight and cut carbs,” Douroudian says.

“I ask all of my diabetic patients if they have ever seen a registered dietitian,” she says. “The answer is an overwhelming ‘yes’ from my white patients, and an overwhelming ‘no’ from my black patients. Is there any wonder why they struggle more with their blood sugar, or why some studies cite a fourfold greater risk of visual loss from diabetes complications in black people?”

Douroudian’s patients who have never met with a dietitian in most cases have also never even heard of a dietitian, she says, and she is unsure why they don’t have this information.

Her remedy is teaching her patients how to advocate for themselves:

“I tell my diabetic patients to demand a referral from their [primary care physician] or endocrinologist. If for some reason that doctor declines, I tell them to ask to see where they documented in their medical record that the patient is struggling to control their blood sugar and the doctor is declining to provide the referral. Hint: You’ll get your referral real fast.”

Black women are facing a childbirth mortality crisis. Doulas are trying to help.

Jameta Barlow, a community health psychologist at George Washington University, says that the infant mortality rate is a reflection of how black women and their pain are ignored. Brushing aside pain can mean ignoring important warning signs.

“Centering black women and their full humanity in their medical encounters should be a clinical imperative,” she says. “Instead, their humanity is often erased and replaced with stereotypes and institutionalized practices masked as medical procedure.”

Black women are more than three times as likely as white women to die of childbirth-related causes, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (40.8 per 100,000 births vs. 12.7). Experts blame the high rate on untreated chronic conditions and lack of good health care. The CDC says that early and regular prenatal care can help prevent complications and death.

Barlow says that the high mortality rate, and many other poor health outcomes, are a result of a “failure to understand the institutionalization of racism in medicine with respect to how the medical field views patients, their needs, wants and pain thresholds. The foundation of medicine is severely cracked and it will never adequately serve black people, especially black women, until we begin to decolonize approaches and ways of doing medicine.”

Barlow’s research centers on black women’s health, and her own great-grandmother died while giving birth to her grandmother in 1924. “In the past, black women were being blamed for the maternal mortality rate, without considering the impact of living conditions due to poverty and slavery then,” she says. “The same can be said of black women today.”

Natalie DiCenzo, an OB/GYN who is set to begin her practice in New Jersey this fall, says she hopes to find ways to close the infant mortality gap. Awareness of racism is necessary for change, she says.

“I realize that fighting for health equity is often in opposition to what is valued in medicine,” she says. “As a white physician treating black patients within a racist health-care system, where only 5 percent of physicians identify as black, I recognize that I have benefited from white privilege, and I now benefit from the power inherent to the white coat. It is my responsibility to do the continuous work of dismantling both, and to check myself daily.

“That work begins with being an outspoken advocate for black patients and reproductive justice,” she says. “This means listening to black patients and centering their lived experiences — holding my patients’ expertise over their own bodies in equal or higher power to my expertise as a physician — and letting that guide my decisions and actions. This means recognizing and highlighting the strength and resilience of black birthing parents.”

DiCenzo blames the racist history of the United States for the disparities in health care. “I’m not surprised that the states with the strictest abortion laws also have the worst pregnancy-related mortality. For black LGBTQIA+ patients, all of these disparities are amplified by additional discrimination. Black, American Indian and Alaska Native women are at least two to four times more likely to die of pregnancy-related causes than white women, regardless of level of education and income,” she says.

As for covid-19, although black people are dying at a rate of 92.3 per 100,000, patients admitted to the hospital were most likely to be white, and they die at a rate of 45.2 per 100,000.

The CDC says that racial discrimination puts blacks at risk for a number of reasons, including historic practices such as redlining that segregate them in densely populated areas, where they often must travel to get food or visit a doctor.

“For many people in racial and ethnic minority groups, living conditions may contribute to underlying health conditions and make it difficult to follow steps to prevent getting sick with COVID-19 or to seek treatment if they do get sick,” the CDC says.

The CDC is urging health-care providers to follow a standard protocol with all patients, and to “[i]dentify and address implicit bias that could hinder patient-provider interactions and communication.”

In her 16 years in medicine, internist Jen Tang has provided care for mid- to upper-class Princeton residents as well as residents of inner city Trenton, N.J. She has seen privatization of medicine adversely affect people of color who may be insured by government-run programs that medical organizations refuse to accept. Some doctors complain that the fees they are paid are too low.

And that can make referrals to specialists difficult.

“Often my hands are tied,” says Tang, who now works part time at a federally qualified health center in California. “I try to give my patients the same level of care that I gave my patients in Princeton, but a lot of my patients have the free Los Angeles County insurance, so to get your patient to see a specialist is difficult. You have to work harder as a clinician, and it takes extremely long.”

Tang has also encountered what medical experts say is another effect of long-term racism: skepticism about the health-care system.

“Some patients don’t trust doctors because they haven’t had access to quality health care,” she says. “They are also extremely vulnerable.”

American history is rife with examples of how medicine has used people of color badly. In Puerto Rico, women were sterilized in the name of population control. From the 1930s to the 1970s, one-third of Puerto Rican mothers of childbearing age were sterilized.

As a result of the Family Planning Services and Population Research Act of 1970, close to 25 percent of Native American women were also sterilized. California, Virginia and North Carolina performed the most sterilizations.

The Tuskegee experiments from 1932 to 1972, which were government-sanctioned, also ruined the lives of many black families. Men recruited for the syphilis study were not given informed consent, and they were not given adequate treatment, despite the study leading to the discovery that penicillin was effective.

Though modern discrimination isn’t as apparent, it is still insidious, Barlow says, citing myths that lead to inadequate treatment, such as one that black people don’t feel pain.

“We must decolonize science,” Barlow says, by which she means examining practices that developed out of bias but are accepted because they have always been done that way. “For example, race is a social construct and not clinically useful in knowing a patient, understanding a patient’s disease, or creating a treatment plan,” she says, but it still informs patient treatment.

She calls upon fellow researchers to question research, data collection, methodologies and interpretations.

Like Douroudian, she recommends self-advocacy for patients. This can mean asking as many questions as needed to get clarification, and if feasible, getting a second opinion. Bring a friend along to the doctor, and record conversations with your doctor for later reflection.

“I tell every woman this when doctors recommend a drug or procedure that you have reservations about: ‘Is this drug or procedure medically necessary?’ If they answer yes, then have them put it in your medical chart,” Barlow says. “If they say it is not necessary to do that, then be sure to get another doctor’s opinion on the recommendation. Black women have always had to look out for themselves, even in the most vulnerable medical situations such as giving birth.”

Medicine’s relationship with black people has advanced beyond keeping slaves healthy enough to perform their tasks. Barlow says, however, that more work needs to be done to regain trust, and uproot the bias that runs over 400 years deep.

“This medical industrial complex will only improve,” she says, “when it is dismantled and reimagined.”

Some Gen Z and millennial women said they viewed abortion rights as important but less urgent than other social justice causes. Others said racial disparities in reproductive health must be a focus.

Emma Goldman|| The New York Times

Like many young Americans, Brea Baker experienced her first moment of political outrage after the killing of a Black man. She was 18 when Trayvon Martin was shot. When she saw his photo on the news, she thought of her younger brother, and the boundary between her politics and her sense of survival collapsed.

In college she volunteered for the N.A.A.C.P. and as a national organizer for the Women’s March. But when conversations among campus activists turned to abortion access, she didn’t feel the same sense of personal rage.

“A lot of the language I heard was about protecting Roe v. Wade,” Ms. Baker, 26, said. “It felt grounded in the ’70s feminist movement. And it felt like, I can’t focus on abortion access if my people are dying. The narrative around abortion access wasn’t made for people from the hood.”

Ms. Baker has attended protests against police brutality in Atlanta in recent weeks, but the looming Supreme Court decision on reproductive health, June Medical Services v. Russo, felt more distant. As she learned more about the case and other legal threats to abortion access, she wished that advocates would talk about the issue in a way that felt urgent to members of Generation Z and young millennials like her.

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“It’s not that young people don’t care about abortion, it’s that they don’t think it applies to them,” she said. Language about “protecting Roe” feels “antiquated,” she added. “If I’m a high school student who got activated by March for Our Lives, I’m not hip to Supreme Court cases that happened before my time.”

Her question, as she kept her eyes on the court, was: “How can we reframe it so it feels like a young woman’s fight?”

On Monday the Supreme Court ruled on the case, striking down a Louisiana law that required abortion clinics to have admitting privileges at local hospitals, four years after deciding that an effectively identical Texas requirement was unconstitutional because it placed an “undue burden” on safe abortion access. The Guttmacher Institute had estimated that 15 states could potentially put similarly restrictive laws on the books if the Supreme Court upheld the Louisiana law.

The leaders of reproductive rights organizations celebrated their victory with caution. At least 16 cases that would restrict access to legal abortion remain in lower courts, and 25 abortion bans have been enacted in more than a dozen states in the last year.

“The fight is far from over,” said Alexis McGill Johnson, the president of Planned Parenthood. “Our vigilance continues, knowing the makeup of the court as well as the federal judiciary is not in our favor.

Interviews with more than a dozen young women who have taken to the streets for racial justice in recent weeks, though, reflected some ambivalence about their role in the movement for reproductive rights.

These young women recognized that while some American women can now gain easy access to abortion, millions more cannot; at least five states have only one abortion clinic.

But some, raised in a post-Roe world, do not feel the same urgency toward abortion as they do for other social justice causes; others want to ensure that the fight is broadly defined, with an emphasis on racial disparities in reproductive health.

Members of Gen Z and millennials are more progressive than older generations; they’ve also been politically active, whether organizing a global climate strike or mass marches against gun violence in schools.

While Gen Z women ranked abortion as very important to them in a 2019 survey from Ignite, a nonpartisan group focused on young women’s political education, mass shootings, climate change, education and racial inequality all edged it out. On the right, meanwhile, researchers say that opposition to abortion has become more central to young people’s political beliefs.

Melissa Deckman, a professor of political science at Washington College who studies young women’s political beliefs, said that Gen Z women predominantly believe in reproductive freedom but that some believe it is less pressing because they see it as a “given,” having grown up in a world of legalized abortion.

“Myself and other activists in my community are focused on issues that feel like immediate life or death, like the environment,” said Kaitlin Ahern, 19, who was raised in Scranton, Pa., in a community where air quality was low because of proximity to a landfill. “It’s easier to disassociate from abortion rights.”

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Fatimata Cham, 19, an ambassador for the anti-gun violence advocacy group Youth Over Guns, agreed that the fight for reproductive rights felt less personal. “For many activists, we have a calling, a realm of work we want to pursue because of our own personal experiences,” Ms. Cham said. “Growing up, abortion never came to mind as an issue I needed to work on.”

Some young women said that they considered reproductive rights an important factor in determining how they vote, but they struggled to see how their activism on the issue could have an effect.

When Ms. Baker helped coordinate local walkouts against gun violence, she sensed that young people no longer needed to wait for “permission” to demand change. With abortion advocacy, she said, organizers seem focused on waiting for decisions from the highest courts.

And even as those decisions move through the courts, the possibility of a future without legal abortion can feel implausible. “I know we have a lot to lose, but it’s hard to imagine us going backward,” said Alliyah Logan, 18, a recent high school graduate from the Bronx. “Is it possible to go that far back?”

Then she added: “Of course in this administration, anything is possible.”

For many women in the 1970s and ’80s, fighting for legal abortion was an essential aspect of being a feminist activist. A 1989 march for reproductive rights drew crowds larger than most protests since the Vietnam War, with more than half a million women rallying in Washington, D.C.

Today, young women who define themselves as progressive and politically active do not always consider the issue central to their identities, said Johanna Schoen, a professor of history at Rutgers and the author of “Abortion After Roe.”

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“Women in the ’70s understood very clearly that having control over reproduction is central to women’s ability to determine their own futures, to get the education they want, to have careers,” Dr. Schoen said. “As people got used to having access to abortion — and there’s a false sense that we’ve achieved a measure of equality — that radicalism women had in the early years got lost.”

Some millennial women who can easily and safely get abortions do not connect the experience to their political activism. Cynthia Gutierrez, 30, a community organizer in California, got a medication abortion in 2013. Because she did not struggle with medical access or insurance, the experience did not immediately propel her toward advocacy.

“I had no idea about the political landscape around it,” she said. “I had no idea that other people had challenges with access or finding a clinic or being able to afford an abortion.”

Around that time, Ms. Gutierrez began working at a criminal justice reform organization. “I wasn’t thinking, let me go to the next pro-choice rally,” she said. “The racial justice and criminal justice work I did felt more relevant because I had people in my life who had gone through the prison industrial complex, and I experienced discrimination.”

Other young women said they felt less drawn to reproductive rights messaging that is focused strictly on legal abortion access, and more drawn to messaging about racial and socioeconomic disparities in access to abortion, widely referred to as reproductive justice.

Deja Foxx, 20, a college student from Tucson, Ariz., became involved in reproductive justice advocacy when she confronted former Senator Jeff Flake, Republican of Arizona, at a town hall event over his push to defund Planned Parenthood.

But abortion access is not what initially drew her to the movement. She wanted to fight for coverage of contraceptives, as someone who was then homeless and uninsured, and for comprehensive sex education, since her high school’s curriculum did not mention the word consent.

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“There’s a need to protect the wins of the generation before us,” Ms. Foxx said. But she believes the conversations that engage members of her generation look different. “My story is about birth control access as a young person who didn’t have access to insurance,” she said.

The generational shift is evident at national gatherings for abortion providers. Ms. Schoen has attended the National Abortion Federation’s annual conference each year from 2003 to 2019. In recent years, she said, its attendees have grown more racially diverse and the agenda has shifted, from calls to keep abortion “safe, legal and rare” to an emphasis on racial equity in abortion access.

“The political questions and demands that the younger generation raises are very different,” she said. “There’s more of a focus on health inequalities and lack of access that Black and brown women have to abortion.”

Amid the coronavirus outbreak, even the most fundamental legal access to abortion seemed in question in some states. At least nine states took steps to temporarily ban abortions, deeming them elective or not medically necessary, although all the bans were challenged in court.

Research from the Kaiser Family Foundation found that the pandemic led to various new legal and logistical hurdles. In South Dakota, abortion providers have been unable to travel to their clinics from out of state. In Arkansas, women could receive abortions only with a negative Covid-19 swab within 72 hours of the procedure, and some have struggled to get tested.

Image

Alliyah Logan, a recent high school graduate, near her home in the Bronx. “I know we have a lot to lose, but it’s hard to imagine us going backward,” she said.
Credit…Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times

But in spite of the threats, for some young women the calls to action feel sharpest when they go beyond defending rights they were raised with.

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“Right now, in a lot of social justice movements we’re seeing language about the future,” said Molly Brodsky, 25. “I hear ‘protect Roe v. Wade,’ and it feels like there needs to be another clause about the future we’re going to build. What other changes do we need? We can’t be complacent with past wins.”

  • Enter at your own risk

    Once again reading the paper I had to put it down to compose myself.  Not that I was surprised by the article, in fact I was anything but; however, when you read the facts and the truths in black and white confirming what you believed was true given what you know about how the medical industrial complex operates (pun intended) in the best of time, I knew that in the worst it would be more of the same only in fact even worse.   I have never understood the hero worship nor the giving or donating anything to these hospitals unless they are publicly owned and managed as they actually needed it. But they are also largely mismanaged, poorly maintained and have few advocates who give one flying fuck.  This article only again confirms this.   Enter at your own risk as they don’t give a shit.

    This article once again proves the failings by the great white Daddies who held daily meetings, announced the lottery numbers without one clear plan, without knowledge or even the ability to communicate coherently and truthfully about how Covid was a dangerous deadly virus, they did not know what to do and they were going to try anything and everything to make this somehow work but whatever the public at large could do to stop this would be welcome, appreciated and necessary and that may evolve over time but with support and cooperation this may not fully go away but it will be manageable with many sacrifices on all our parts to do so.  Nope, here in New Jersey we were called knuckleheads, and each city in the region came up with  its own bullshit with no logic and even less communication, all of it via Facebook. They too had no real idea what they were doing but they were going to do it nonetheless.  Funny California was considered a model and then not so there you go.  Meanwhile the Governors who were acclaimed, DeWine, Cuomo and Inslee had no clue but they were telegenic, competent sounding and of course had visual aids and the appropriate staff standing by to scold, reprimand and remind everyone to be afraid, be very afraid.

    From testing fiasco’s to the old folks homes to just overall neglect and failure to actually address the day to day, from homeless in the subways to the overgrowing pockets of Covid in poor and largely minority communities as after thought was just another day in the park of Covid.  It was clear that the President and his “Covid” geniuses had no fucking clue, the CDC was a farce of inconsistency so why not just say that and tell people they are on their own and that they have little to go on but faith.  But nope.  And Cuomo was the figure that many turned to for no other reasons that he was there but once you look at the failures of the hospitals in New York you can only say fuck you asshole this is all on you.  This is where the division of New York is clear and that is literally life and death.  If anyone votes for this fucking asshole they have blood on their hands.  There was no White Knight, no Calvary to the rescue there was just chaos and bullshit.

    Why Surviving the Virus Might Come Down to Which Hospital Admits You

    In New York cities poor neighborhoods, some patients have languished in understaffed hospitals, with substandard equipment.  It was a different story in Manhattan’s private medical centers.

    By Brian M. Rosenthal, Joseph Goldstein, Sharon Otterman and

    July 1, 2020

    In Queens, the borough with the most coronavirus cases and the fewest hospital beds per capita, hundreds of patients languished in understaffed wards, often unwatched by nurses or doctors. Some died after removing oxygen masks to go to the bathroom.

    In hospitals in impoverished neighborhoods around the boroughs, some critically ill patients were put on ventilator machines lacking key settings, and others pleaded for experimental drugs, only to be told that there were none available.

    It was another story at the private medical centers in Manhattan, which have billions of dollars in endowments and cater largely to wealthy people with insurance. Patients there got access to heart-lung bypass machines and specialized drugs like remdesivir, even as those in the city’s community hospitals were denied more basic treatments like continuous dialysis.

    In its first four months in New York, the coronavirus tore through low-income neighborhoods, infected immigrants and essential workers unable to stay home and disproportionately killed Black and Latino people, especially those with underlying health conditions.

    Now, evidence is emerging of another inequality affecting low-income city residents: disparities in hospital care.

    While the pandemic continues, it is not possible to determine exactly how much the gaps in hospital care have hurt patients. Many factors affect who recovers from the coronavirus and who does not. Hospitals treat vastly different patient populations, and experts have hesitated to criticize any hospital while workers valiantly fight the outbreak.

    Still, mortality data from three dozen hospitals obtained by The New York Times indicates that the likelihood of survival may depend in part on where a patient is treated. At the peak of the pandemic in April, the data suggests, patients at some community hospitals were three times more likely to die as patients at medical centers in the wealthiest parts of the city.

    Underfunded hospitals in the neighborhoods hit the hardest often had lower staffing, worse equipment and less access to drug trials and advanced treatments at the height of the crisis than the private, well-financed academic medical centers in wealthy parts of Manhattan, according to interviews with workers at all 47 of the city’s general hospitals.

    “If we had proper staffing and proper equipment, we could have saved much more lives,” said Dr. Alexander Andreev, a medical resident and union representative at Brookdale University Hospital and Medical Center, a struggling independent hospital in Brooklyn. “Out of 10 deaths, I think at least two or three could have been saved.”

    Inequality did not arrive with the virus; the divide between the haves and the have-nots has long been a part of the web of hospitals in the city.

    Manhattan is home to several of the world’s most prestigious medical centers, a constellation of academic institutions that attract wealthy residents with private health insurance. The other boroughs are served by a patchwork of satellite campuses, city-run public hospitals and independent facilities, all of which treat more residents on Medicaid or Medicare, or without insurance.

    The pandemic exposed and amplified the inequities, especially during the peak, according to doctors, nurses and other workers.

    Overall, more than 17,500 people have been confirmed to have died in New York City of Covid-19, the illness caused by the coronavirus. More than 11,500 lived in ZIP codes with median household incomes below the city median, according to city data.

    Deaths have slowed, but with the possibility of a second surge looming, doctors are examining the disparities.

    At the NewYork-Presbyterian Hospital, the city’s largest private hospital network, 20 doctors drafted a letter in April warning leadership about inequalities, according to a copy obtained by The Times. The doctors had found that the mortality rate at an understaffed satellite was more than twice as high as at a flagship center, despite not treating sicker patients.

    At NYU Langone Health, another large network, 43 medical residents wrote their own letter to the chief medical officer expressing concerns about disparities in hospital care.

    Both networks said in statements that they deliver the same level of care at all their locations.

    Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo and Mayor Bill de Blasio have spoken throughout the pandemic of adding hospital beds across the city, transferring patients and sending supplies and workers to community hospitals, implying that they have ensured all New Yorkers with Covid-19 receive the same quality care.

    “We are one health care system,” Mr. Cuomo said on March 31. The same day, he described the coronavirus as “the great equalizer.”

    In interviews, doctors scoffed at that notion, noting, among other issues, that government reinforcements were slowed by bureaucratic hurdles and mostly arrived after the peak.

    “There was no cavalry,” said Dr. Ralph Madeb, surgery director at the independent New York Community Hospital in Brooklyn. “Everything we did was on our own.”

    In a statement, Dani Lever, the governor’s communications director, said Mr. Cuomo has repeatedly pointed out inequalities in health care. The state worked during the peak to transfer patients so everybody could at least access care, she said.

    “The governor said Covid was the ‘great equalizer’ in that it infected anyone regardless of race, age, etc. — not that everyone would receive the same the level of health care,” she said. “The governor said we are one health system in terms of ensuring that everyone who needed it had access to a hospital.”

    A spokeswoman for Mr. de Blasio, Avery Cohen, said the mayor agreed that the pandemic had exposed inequalities, and the city had worked to address disparities.

    “From nearly tripling hospital capacity at the virus’ peak, to creating a massive testing apparatus from the ground-up, we have channeled every possible resource into helping our most vulnerable and remain undeterred in doing so,” she said.

    New York has never had a unified hospital system. It has several different hospital systems, and in recent years, they have consolidated and contracted, through mergers and more than a dozen hospital closures.

    Today, most beds in the city are in hospitals in five private networks. NewYork-Presbyterian, which has Weill Cornell Medical Center and Columbia University Irving Medical Center; NYU Langone; the Mount Sinai Health System; Northwell Health; and the Montefiore Medical Center.

    Most of the private networks are based at expansive campuses in Manhattan, as are some of the public hospitals. (Montefiore is based in the Bronx; many of Northwell’s hospitals are outside of New York City.)

    The hospital closures have largely been outside of Manhattan, including three beloved safety-net hospitals in Queens in just a few months in 2008 and 2009.

    There are now five hospital beds for every 1,000 residents in Manhattan, while only 1.8 per 1,000 residents in Queens, 2.2 in Brooue reading the main story

    These networks are wealthy nonprofits aided by decades of government policies that have steered money to them. They also rake in revenue because, on average, two-thirds of their patients are on Medicare or have commercial insurance, through their employer or purchased privately.

    Collectively, they annually spend $150 million on advertising and pay their chief executives $30 million, records show. They also pay their doctors the most, and score the highest marks on industry ratings regarding safety, mortality and patient satisfaction.

    The city has 11 public hospitals. This is the city’s safety net, along with the private networks’ satellite campuses and a shrinking number of smaller independent hospitals, which have been financially struggling for years.

    At the safety-net hospitals, only 10 percent of patients have private insurance. The hospitals provide all the basic serviceklyn and 2.4 in the Bronx, according to government data.

    Yet in a cruel twist, the coronavirus has mostly clobbered areas outside of Manhattan.

    Manhattan has only had 16 confirmed cases for every 1,000 residents, while there have been 28 per 1,000 residents in Queens, 23 in Brooklyn and 33 in the Bronx, the latest count shows.

    These areas have lower median incomes — $38,000 in the Bronx versus $82,000 in Manhattan — and are filled with residents whose jobs have put them at higher risk of infection.

    “Certain hospitals are located in the heart of a pandemic that hit on top of an epidemic of poverty and stress and pollution and segregation and racism,” said Dr. Carol Horowitz, director of the Institute for Health Equity Research at Mount Sinai.

    At the pandemic’s peak, ambulances generally took patients to the nearest hospital — not the one with the most capacity. That contributed to crushing surges in hospitals in areas with high infection rates, overwhelming some hospitals and reducing their ability to care for patients.

    In Manhattan, where many residents fled the city, hospitals also found patient release valves. Mount Sinai sent hundreds to a Central Park tent hospital. NewYork-Presbyterian sent 150 to the Hospital for Special Surgery.

    In all, the census at some emergency rooms actually declined.

    At Lenox Hill Hospital, a private hospital on the Upper East Side, Dr. Andrew Bauerschmidt said on April 8 — near the city’s peak in cases — that the hospital had more patients than usual, but not by much.

    “Nothing dire is going on here, like the stories we’ve heard at other hospitals,” he said.

    After weeks battling the virus at the Elmhurst Hospital Center, a public hospital in Queens that was overwhelmed by Covid-19 deaths, Dr. Ravi Katari took a shift at the Mount Sinai Hospital.

    When he arrived at the towering campus just east of Central Park, he was surprised to see fewer patients and more workers than at Elmhurst, and a sense of calm.

    Dr. Katari was a fourth-year emergency medicine resident in a program run by Mount Sinai that rotates residents through different hospitals, to give them varied experiences.

    In interviews, seven of these residents described vast disparities during the pandemic — especially in staffing levels.

    At the height of the crisis, doctors and nurses at every hospital had to care for more patients than normal. But at the safety-net hospitals, which could not deploy large numbers of specialists or students, or quickly hire workers, patient-to-staff ratios spiraled out of control.

    In the emergency room, where best practices call for a maximum of four patients per nurse, the ratio hit 23 to 1 at Queens Hospital Center and 15 to 1 at Jacobi Medical Center in the Bronx, both public hospitals, and 20 to 1 at Kingsbrook Jewish Medical Center, an independent facility in Brooklyn, workers said.

    “We could not care for the number of the patients we had,” said Feyoneisha McGrath, a nurse at Kingsbrook. “I worked 16 hours a day, and then I got in my car and cried.”

    In intensive-care units, where patients require such close monitoring that the standard ratio is just two patients per nurse, ratios quadrupled at some hospitals, including at Interfaith Medical Center in Brooklyn, an independent facility, and at NewYork-Presbyterian’s satellite in Queens, workers said.

    The city’s public hospital system disputed those ratios cited by workers. It added that during the pandemic, it recruited thousands of nurses and streamlined monitoring, including by opening doors to patient rooms. The chief executive of Kingsbrook and Interfaith also disputed the ratios at those hospitals.

    Research has shown that staffing levels affect mortality, and that may be even more true during this pandemic because many Covid-19 patients quickly deteriorate without warning.

    At Brookdale, the independent hospital, three doctors said that many patients on ventilators had to remain for days or weeks in understaffed wards because the intensive-care unit was full. Amid shortages in sedatives, some patients awoke from comas alone and, in a reflexive response, removed the tubes in their airways that were keeping them breathing. Alarms rang, and staff rushed to reintubate the patients. But they all eventually died, the doctors said.

    A hospital spokesman, Khari Edwards, said, “Protocols for sedation of intubated patients are in place and are monitored by our quality improvement processes.”

    Similar episodes occurred at Kingsbrook, the Queens Hospital Center and the Allen Hospital, a NewYork-Presbyterian hospital in Northern Manhattan, according to workers.

    Dr. Dawn Maldonado, a resident doctor at Elmhurst, described a worrisome pattern of deaths on its understaffed general medicine floors. She said at least four patients collapsed after removing their oxygen masks to try to walk to the bathroom. Workers discovered their bodies later — in one case, as much as 45 minutes later — in the bathroom or nearby.

    “We’d call them bathroom codes,” Dr. Maldonado said.

    As the coronavirus raged, Lincoln Medical and Mental Health Center in the Bronx kept running into problems with ventilators.

    Lincoln, a public hospital, had a limited number, and it could not acquire many more, so it had to increasingly use portable ventilators sent by the state. The machines did not have some settings to adjust to patients’ breathing, including a high-pressure mode called “airway pressure release ventilation.”

    Virtually every hospital had to use some old ventilators. But at hospitals like Lincoln, almost all patients received emergency machines, doctors said.

    Safety-net hospitals also ran low on dialysis machines, for patients with kidney damage. Many independent hospitals could not provide continuous dialysis even before the pandemic. At the peak, some facilities like St. John’s Episcopal Hospital in Queens had to restrict dialysis even further, providing only a couple hours at a time or not providing any to some patients.

    While many interventions for Covid-19 are routine, like supplying oxygen through masks, safety-net hospital patients also have not had much access to advanced treatments, including a heart-lung bypass called extracorporeal membrane oxygenation, or E.C.M.O.

    For weeks, many independent hospitals did not have remdesivir, the experimental anti-viral drug that has been used to treat Covid-19.

    “We are not anybody’s priority,” said Dr. Josh Rosenberg of the Brooklyn Hospital Center, a 175-year-old independent facility that took longer than others to gain entry to a clinical trial that provided access to the drug.

    Historically, safety-net hospitals have not been chosen for many drug trials.

    Dr. Mangala Narasimhan, a regional director of critical care at Northwell, said just participating in a trial affects outcomes, regardless of whether the drug works.

    “You’re super attentive to those patients,” she said. “That is an effect in itself.”

    Some low-income patients have even missed the most basic of treatment strategies, like being turned onto their stomach. The technique, called proning, has helped many patients breathe, but because it requires several workers to keep IV lines untangled, some safety-net hospitals have been unable to provide it.

    Many private centers have beds that automatically turn.

    Near the corner of 1st Avenue and East 30th Street in Manhattan sit two hospital campuses that illustrate the disparities on the most tragic of measures: mortality rate.

    One is NYU Langone’s flagship hospital. So far, about 11 percent of its coronavirus patients have died, according to data obtained by The Times. The other is Bellevue Hospital Center, the city’s most renowned public hospital, where about 22 percent of virus patients have died.

    In other parts of the city, the gaps are even wider.

    Overall, about one in five coronavirus patients in New York City hospitals has died, according to a Times data analysis. At some prestigious medical centers, it has been as low as one in 10. At some community hospitals outside Manhattan, it has been one in three, or worse.

    Many factors have affected those numbers, including the severity of the patients’ illnesses, the extent of their exposure to the virus, their underlying conditions, how long they waited to go to the hospital and whether their hospital transferred healthier patients, or sicker patients.

    Still, experts and doctors agreed that disparities in hospital care have played a role, too.

    “It’s hard to look at the data and come to any other conclusion,” said Mary T. Bassett, who led the New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene from 2014 until 2018 before joining Harvard University’s School of Public Health. “We’ve known for a long time that these institutions are under-resourced. The answer should be to give them more resources.”

    The data was obtained from a number of sources, including government agencies and the individual hospital systems.

    Many of the sharpest disparities have occurred between hospitals in the same network.

    At Mount Sinai, about 17 percent of patients at its flagship Manhattan hospital have died, a much lower rate than at its campuses in Brooklyn (34 percent) and Queens (33 percent).

    Dr. David Reich, chief executive at the Mount Sinai Hospital and the Queens site, said the satellites were located near nursing homes and transferred out some of their healthy patients, making their numbers look worse. But he added that he was not surprised that large hospitals with more specialists had better mortality rates.

    There have even been differences within the public system, where most hospitals have had mortality rates far higher than Bellevue’s.

    At the Coney Island Hospital, 363 patients have died — 41 percent of those admitted.

    In an interview, Dr. Mitchell H. Katz, the head of the public system, strenuously objected to the use of raw mortality data, saying it was meaningless if not adjusted for patient conditions. He agreed public hospitals needed more resources, but he defended their performance in the pandemic.

    “I’m not going to say that the quality of care that people got at my 11 hospitals wasn’t as good or better as what people got at other hospitals,” he said. “Our hospitals worked heroically to keep people alive.”

    On April 17, NYU Langone employees received an email that quoted President Trump praising the network’s response to Covid-19: “I’ve heard that you guys at NYU Langone are doing really great things.”

    The email, from Dr. Fritz François, the network’s chief medical officer, infuriated residents who had worked at both NYU Langone and Bellevue. They believed that if the private network was doing great, it was because of donors and government policies letting it get more funding.

    “When given the ear of the arguably most powerful man in the world — who has control over essential allocation of resources and government funding — it is a physician’s duty to take this opportunity and to advocate for the resources that all patients need,” they responded.

    At the same time, another conversation was happening. It began in late March, when doctors at the Lower Manhattan Hospital concluded their mortality rate for Covid-19 patients was more than twice the rate at Weill Cornell, a prestigious hospital in its same network, NewYork-Presbyterian.

    The doctors saw an alarming potential explanation. In a draft letter dated April 11, they said their nurses cared for up to five critically ill patients, while Weill Cornell nurses had two or three. They also noted staffing shortages at the Allen Hospital and NewYork-Presbyterian Queens.

    “What hospital a patient goes to (or that E.M.S. takes them to) should not be a choice that increases adverse outcomes, including mortality,” the draft letter said.

    It is unclear if the doctors sent the letter. But in mid April, network leaders sent more staff to the Lower Manhattan Hospital, and that gap narrowed.

    Another group of network doctors undertook a deeper study and found that some of the gap was explained by differences in the ages of patients and their health conditions. But even after controlling for those issues, they found a disparity, and they vowed to study it further.

    In a statement, the network denied that any nurses had to monitor five critically ill patients. “Short-term, raw data snapshots do not show an accurate or full picture of the entire crisis,” it said.

    Still, one doctor who works at both hospitals said he was disturbed by one episode during the peak at the Lower Manhattan Hospital.

    The doctor, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he had been warned against talking to reporters, recalled he had three patients who needed to be intubated. When he called the intensive-care unit, he was told there was only space for one.

    One man was in his mid-40s, younger than the other two, who were both over 70.

    “Everyone looked bad, but he had the best chance,” the doctor said. “The others had to wait.”

    The doctor said he did not know what happened to the patients after he left work. Given the high mortality rate at the hospital, he said he was reluctant to look it up.

    “What good is it going to do me, to know what happened?” he said.

    The Emerging State

    When I read of education reforms it centers on Teachers, the Unions, and of course the idea of testing to both evaluate Teacher and Student.

    I have been in all of the schools listed below. I am now down to about 5 of them as I see everything across the city and more importantly its divide. The reality of our schools is they are filled with a myriad of problems – from language, to disabilities to the reality of poverty. And the trauma that children bring from their homes, home countries to school everyday is not something a high stakes test can reveal.  But hey those unions!

    So when I read about another Gates Foundation scheme/plan/bullshit I think why not get to a school and find out that schools needs.  Fix the building, offer services that can feed and clothe the kids and get their families into the workforce, and get them counseling, child care, mental/medical health care and finally offer smaller classes, more adults and opportunities to learn at their own level at their own time. The reality is that we want a band-aid to fix a seeping wound. 

    School # of homeless students
    Interagency Academy 176
    Garfield High School 98
    Washington Middle School 86
    Dunlap Elementary 77
    Rainier Beach High School 73
    Denny International Middle School 72
    Bailey Gatzert Elementary 71
    Aki Kurose Middle School 66
    Chief Sealth International High School 60
    Franklin High School 57
    Van Asselt Elementary 55
    Lowell Elementary 52
    Mercer International Middle School 46
    Seattle World School 46
    Leschi Elementary 43
    Nathan Hale High School 41
    Hawthorne Elementary 40
    South Lake High School 39
    Whitman Middle School 38
    South Shore K-8 School 36
    Ballard High School 35
    Madrona K-8 School 33
    Sanislo Elementary 32
    Ingraham High School 30
    Broadview-Thomson K-8 School 29
    Viewlands Elementary 29
    Concord International School 28
    Martin Luther King Jr. Elementary 28
    Cleveland High School 26
    Jane Addams Middle School 26
    Roxhill Elementary 26
    Eckstein Middle School 25
    Olympic Hills Elementary 24
    Roosevelt High School 23
    John Rogers Elementary 22
    Middle College High School 22
    West Seattle Elementary 22
    West Seattle High School 22
    Dearborn Park International School 21
    John Muir Elementary 21
    McClure Middle School 21
    Emerson Elementary 20
    Madison Middle School 19
    Graham Hill Elementary 18
    Hazel Wolf K-8 School 17
    Sand Point Elementary 17
    Stevens Elementary 17
    Adams Elementary 16
    B.F. Day Elementary 16
    John Hay Elementary 16
    Maple Elementary 16
    Highland Park Elementary 15
    Gatewood Elementary 14
    Northgate Elementary 13
    Olympic View Elementary 13
    Wing Luke Elementary 13
    Arbor Heights Elementary 12
    Kimball Elementary 12
    Orca K-8 School 12
    Rainier View Elementary 12
    Daniel Bagley Elementary 11
    Fairmount Park Elementary 11
    Pathfinder K-8 School 10
    Thurgood Marshall Elementary 10
    Alki Elementary <10
    APP at Lincoln <10
    Beacon Hill International School <10
    Bryant Elementary <10
    Cascade Parent Partnership <10
    Catharine Blaine K-8 School <10
    Early Learning Center <10
    Education Service Centers <10
    Experimental Education Unit <10
    Frantz Coe Elementary <10
    Green Lake Elementary <10
    Greenwood Elementary <10
    Hamilton International Middle School <10
    John Stanford International School <10
    K-5 STEM at Boren <10
    Lafayette Elementary <10
    Laurelhurst Elementary <10
    Lawton Elementary <10
    Licton Springs K-8 School <10
    Loyal Heights Elementary <10
    McDonald International Elementary <10
    McGilvra Elementary <10
    Montlake Elementary <10
    North Beach Elementary <10
    Nova High School <10
    Private School Services <10
    Queen Anne Elementary <10
    Residential Consortium <10
    Sacajawea Elementary <10
    Salmon Bay School <10
    Schmitz Park Elementary <10
    The Center School <10
    Thornton Creek Elementary <10
    TOPS K-8 School <10
    View Ridge Elementary <10
    Wedgwood Elementary <10
    West Woodland Elementary <10

    At the end of the day and the end of the week where I have been to 5 schools and seen between 300-500  kids I am exhausted and frustrated and truly depressed.  I have nothing good to say about Seattle anymore for a myriad of reasons but this is just one of them

    Mayor, county exec declare ‘state of emergency’ over homelessness

    By Daniel Beekman
    Comparing the devastation of homelessness to flood and fire, local leaders Monday declared states of emergency in Seattle and King County, hoping to secure additional money and potentially loosen regulations to combat the problem.

    States of emergency usually are proclaimed after natural disasters, such as earthquakes and hurricanes, or during instances of civil disorder, such as rioting.

    But other West Coast cities and a state preceded Seattle in declaring homelessness emergencies this year. Los Angeles and Portland took the step in September. Hawaii followed suit this past month.

    “More than 45 people have died on the streets of the city of Seattle this year and nearly 3,000 children in Seattle Public Schools are homeless,” Mayor Ed Murray said.

    “I’m requesting emergency assistance from the state and federal government to respond to the urgent needs of those who are victims of this crisis … and in addressing the root causes.”

    The mayor called homelessness in Seattle a human tragedy “seldom seen in the history of our city,” while King County Executive Dow Constantine said the situation countywide has become “just as devastating to thousands as flood or fire.”

    Constantine noted that the weather has begun to change, making life more difficult and dangerous for people living outdoors.

    “The rain is here. The coldest months will soon be upon us,” Constantine said during a news conference with Murray at the downtown Seattle YWCA.

    Last winter’s One Night Count found 3,772 people without shelter in King County, including more than 2,800 in Seattle — a 21 percent increase over 2014.

    There were 2,993 people in transitional housing and 3,282 in homeless shelters in the county, for a total of more than 10,000 overall.

    Each month in King County, about 3,000 people become newly homeless, according to state public-assistance records.

    By declaring a state of emergency, Seattle “will have more administrative authority and flexibility in contracting for services and distributing resources,” Murray said.

    He and Constantine said they will call on state and federal officials to react the same way as to calamities caused by Mother Nature. Murray will seek Federal Emergency Management Agency aid, he said.

    As of September, 66 homeless people had died in King County, according to the county Medical Examiner’s Office including 47 on the streets of Seattle, Murray said.

    That’s fewer than the number of homeless deaths in some other recent years. There were 85 in 2013 and 110 in 2006. But it’s already more than the total for 2014, which was 64.

    “We are basically saying what we would say after an earthquake,” the mayor said. “More people have now died in the city than in some natural disasters.”

    Drug woes

     

    The homeless problem is hardly new, Murray admitted when asked why he chose Monday to make the emergency proclamation.

    The mayor had hoped measures taken earlier this year would have a greater impact, he said.
    The city added funding for homeless services and passed legislation sanctioning three new encampments on city land. Those are slated to open soon.

    “I thought we were on a path (that) would lead to better results,” Murray said. “It hasn’t.”

    The average age of the homeless people who have died this year has been 48. Most have been male and white. There were 12 deaths in January, more than in any other month.

    Forty-four of the deaths have been by accident or natural causes, seven by suicide and four by homicide. There were 20 deaths classified as involving drugs, alcohol or both.

    Murray and Constantine attributed homelessness here to several factors, including what the mayor described as a heroin epidemic “across this nation and in this city.”

    The mayor also mentioned, “jobs lost during the Great Recession that have never returned” and inadequate state funding to help people with mental illnesses.

    Seattle receives much less federal funding for affordable housing now than five years ago, Murray said, noting that 19,000 households applied for the Seattle Housing Authority’s Section 8 voucher waiting list earlier this year.

    Murray will meet with the mayors of other major West Coast cities in Portland next month to discuss a new push to lobby the federal government to restore funding.

    He and Constantine spoke with President Obama about homelessness in West Coast cities when Obama visited Seattle last month, Constantine said.

    Search for shelter

    In a state of emergency, the mayor gains authority for drastic actions such as imposing curfews and prohibiting liquor sales, Murray spokesman Viet Shelton said.

    Murray doesn’t plan to take any actions like that, but he may use his emergency authority to make sure homeless families with children are housed, he said.

    The mayor has told his staff to search for new shelter opportunities and will bypass permitting, public process and zoning requirements, if necessary, he said.

    There were 2,982 homeless students in Seattle Public Schools as of June 30. Murray pointed to Bailey Gatzert Elementary School, which reported having 71. Garfield High School had 98 and Washington Middle School had 86.

    At Monday’s news conference, Bailey Gatzert principal Greg Imel said he recently walked a 7-year-old student after school to his temporary home — a broken-down car.

    “I almost lost my breath at that point,” Imel said. “We need to be doing more.”

    More shelter beds

    Murray said Seattle’s state of emergency will come to an end only after a “significant reduction in the number of people dying on our streets … and a significant reduction in the number of school-age children who are homeless.”

    He said the city will make a one-time allocation of $5 million in additional funds to combat homelessness, coming from the sale of surplus city property on Myers Way South.

    The money will pay for about 100 shelter beds, plus prevention and outreach, including a van to traverse the city offering help, Murray said.

    Seattle already spends more than $40 million annually on services related to homelessness, he said.
    Constantine has proposed $2 million in additional funds, some now pending before the Metropolitan King County Council.

    That money would pay for at least 50 shelter beds in Seattle, provide 20 housing vouchers for people exiting drug court, increase incentives for landlords to rent apartments to homeless veterans and fund other programs.

    The county spends $36 million annually on homelessness.

    Vacant buildings

    No homeless people spoke at Monday’s news conference. But the consensus among several men huddling against the cold Monday under Interstate 5 near Cherry Street was this: Local officials should use vacant buildings to shelter the homeless.

    “There’s a lot of space that isn’t being used,” remarked Fred Ledrew, 56, who said he’s been living under I-5 for most of the past 12 years. “That could help if they don’t get tied down in red tape.”

    Tents have popped up around town, many of them in semi-sheltered areas such as below I-5. But many homeless people, Ledrew included, don’t even have tents. They try to stay warm in tarps, blankets and whatever else they can pull together.

    Sitting alongside Ledrew was Scotty Morley, 66, who moved to Seattle four years ago from San Diego to be closer to relatives. When told the city and county had declared homelessness an emergency, he said, “It’s about time.”

    Morley said he was a carpet layer for 40 years but can’t do the work now, “because my knees are shot.” He wonders how much Murray and Constantine will accomplish. “There’s a lot of money in Seattle; everybody knows that,” he said. “But we’ll see if they actually do anything.”

    Another under-freeway dweller, Derrick Willis, 43, said he’s been on the street off and on for 12 years. Even if officials allocate a lot of money to combat homelessness, he expects there will be difficulties mending the problem.

    “You’ve got some people out here on drugs, and a lot of them don’t really want to get off the street,” Willis said.

    As if on cue, a man nearby who wouldn’t give his full name lit a small hash pipe and said he doesn’t want a shelter bed or apartment.

    Asked what he’d like government to provide, he replied simply, “An ounce of weed and a dry place to smoke it.”

    When a reporter wondered Monday whether more help for the homeless in Seattle might attract even more needy people to the city, Murray answered, “The last thing we want to end up doing is being a city that says, ‘No.’ ”

    He concluded, “To simply say we’re not going to fund people starving on the streets … As a Roman Catholic, I just can’t go there.”

    Seeing Red

    Another shocking revelation or well no, not really.

    There are suites for the rich and famous and we know that the rich are solicited and coddled by Doctors who are also fund raisers. As they control the needles you want to be their friends right?

    What mystifies me is that as I have read about the laughing Nurses, mean girl Nurses, incompentent Doctors, Doctors hitting on paitients during procedures, Drugs using/selling drugs, conflict of interest testifying as “experts” for businesses that pay them, overall malpractice and abuse to the tune of over 100K deaths a year. But they are not discussed to the level that Poice are. Police have killed under a 1000 this year so that is a good thing. At least I can say one thing positive about Police, I am not sure I could ever find the same with regards to the members of the Medical Industrial Complex.

    How Hospitals Coddle the Rich

    By SHOA L. CLARKE
    The New York Times
    Opinion Page
    OCT. 26, 2015

    WHEN I saw my first red blanket as a young medical student, I thought little of it.
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    One morning, as I rushed around a hospital in California on my daily rounds, I spotted an old man who lay in bed beneath a scarlet cover, a sharp contrast to the white linens wrapped around the other patients. He looked unremarkable, and I assumed he brought the blanket from home. So I moved on. He wasn’t my patient, anyway.

    That afternoon, I overheard a discussion about the patient between two physicians. Instead of identifying him in the usual manner — age, gender, medical problems — one of the doctors said, “This is a red blanket patient.”

    The significance became clear after I took care of my own red blanket patients: It was a marker of status. At that hospital, patient relations gave them to some C.E.O.s, celebrities and trustees’ friends. Although we weren’t instructed on how to treat the V.I.P. patients, the blanket spoke for itself: “This patient is important.”

    Today, I work at a hospital in Massachusetts that gives the same white blankets to everyone. Yet I continue to see red blanket patients. Here, they are called “pavilion patients” because they pay extra to stay in private hotel-like rooms on the top floor, which come with gourmet food, plush bath robes and small business centers.

    Whether red blankets or luxury suites, elite services exist in various forms at hospitals around the country, and are nearly universal at the most prestigious medical centers. Of the nation’s top 15 hospitals, ranked by U.S. News and World Report, at least 10 offer luxury treatment options.

    Some physicians suggest that V.I.P. services are a harmless way to raise money. Wealthy patients can afford to pay over $1,000 a night for deluxe rooms. More important, if V.I.P.s have good experiences, they might make big donations. At some cancer centers, doctors are even trained to solicit donations themselves. It makes sense. With more money, the hospital can improve its overall service. It’s trickle down health care.

    But are red blankets really harmless?

    Regular patients lose when hospitals dedicate their best spaces to elite units. One study found that patients in a room with a view of nature recovered faster from gallbladder surgery than those who faced a brick wall. Even having a room with more sunlight has been associated with decreased patient stress and use of pain medications. The University Medical Center of Princeton built new rooms with better aesthetics and found that patients who recovered from surgery in those rooms required 30 percent less pain medication than patients in old rooms.

    Hospitals that provide faster care to some emergency room patients might negatively affect others. A doctor in Connecticut surveyed the directors of 32 emergency departments around the state on whether they gave faster treatment to V.I.P.s in their emergency rooms. Most responded, and all but one supported the practice. Regular patients who are well enough wait a little longer, which prompted the doctor to call the practice “vaguely unethical but necessary.”

    When I describe luxury medicine to people outside of health care, they initially worry that it might lead to inferior medical care for nonelite patients. This is understandable. At most hospitals, doctors care for several patients at once. Although I have never observed a doctor neglect someone for a red blanket patient, we lack data to properly assess.

    Surprisingly, many doctors worry that V.I.P.s receive worse care. I’ve heard countless stories of elite patients who underwent unnecessary tests or were treated with medications unlikely to be helpful because the physician felt pressured to appease them.

    This can distract from optimal treatment. At least one study suggests that higher patient satisfaction is correlated with worse outcomes. When the University of Pennsylvania’s health system built a V.I.P. unit in 2007, faculty members were concerned that “similar units at other institutions provided excellent amenities but inferior nursing and patient care.”

    On the record, doctors say that they treat all of their patients equally. Off the record, they reveal a range of answers. I, too, have been guilty of giving special treatment to red blanket patients.
    Continue reading the main story
    Once, one of my patients — the head of a major local business — was ready to be discharged. As I entered his room to share the good news, I was greeted by the smell of flowers. They were in a vase on the bedside table, and I wondered if his wife or patient relations brought them.

    When I told him that he would be going home, he frowned, and his wife spoke up.

    “Doctor, I’d feel more comfortable if we stayed another night, just to be safe.”

    Although there was no medical reason for him to stay, I smiled politely and said, “Yes, that’s absolutely fine.”

    Would I have done the same if his blanket had been white?

    Though some doctors find the practice to be harmless, and others may describe it as “unethical,” all seem to have deemed luxury health care necessary. Amid budget cuts, reduced reimbursements and rural hospital closures, it’s hard to argue with that sentiment.

    But if we don’t challenge the necessity of luxury services, then we have accepted that hospitals — and medicine in general — prosper in part because they cater to the wealthy. This undermines the fundamental ideals of medical training.

    The real harm of red blankets is in an unanswered question: When I allow one of my patients to be labeled “important,” do I implicitly label the others as less important?

    Shoa L. Clarke is a resident physician at Brigham and Women’s and Boston Children’s hospitals.

    Picture This

    More ways that the rich find themselves at an advantage in regards to the criminal justice system. When I read this I thought another way a Lawyer can delegate responsibility and extricate themselves from actually working and arguing with regards to the defense of their client. And of course add to the billing rates

    Another bunch of bullshit to add to the list with junk science, expert testimony, eyewitness testimony, informants, prosecutorial misconduct, police malfeasance, judicial incompetence and overall clown car circus show that has now become a courtroom.

    A Flattering Biographical Video as the Last Exhibit for the Defense

    By STEPHANIE CLIFFORD
    The New York Times
    MAY 24, 2015

    GILROY, Calif. — About 3,000 miles from New York, members of a camera crew gathered around Anthony Quijada, trying to do for their not-famous, not-rich client what some high-priced lawyers are doing for theirs in New York courts: Make a video that can keep him out of prison.

    Lawyers are beginning to submit biographical videos when their clients are sentenced, and proponents say they could transform the process. Defendants and their lawyers already are able to address the court before a sentence is imposed, but the videos are adding a new dimension to the punishment phase of a prosecution.

    Judges “never knew the totality of the defendant” before seeing these videos, said Raj Jayadev, one of the people making the video of Mr. Quijada, who lives in this Northern California city of about 52,000 people. “All they knew was the case file.”

    Yet as videos gain ground, there is concern that a divide between rich and poor defendants will widen — that camera crews and film editors will become part of the best defense money can buy, unavailable to most people facing charges.
    Photo
    Mr. Quijada during the filming of a biographical video. Credit Jim Wilson/The New York Times

    Videos, especially well-produced ones, can be powerful.

    In December, lawyers for Sant Singh Chatwal, a millionaire hotelier who pleaded guilty in United States District Court in Brooklyn to illegal campaign donations, submitted a 14-minute one as part of his sentencing. Elegantly produced, the video showed workers, relatives and beneficiaries of Mr. Chatwal describing his generosity.

    As he prepared to sentence Mr. Chatwal, Judge I. Leo Glasser said he had watched the video twice, including once the night before. The judge, echoing some of the themes in the video, recounted Mr. Chatwal’s good works. Judge Glasser then sentenced Mr. Chatwal to probation, much less than the four to five years in prison that prosecutors had requested.

    Yet efforts such as those on behalf of Mr. Chatwal are hardly standard. While every criminal defendant is entitled to a lawyer, a day in any court makes it clear that many poor people do not receive a rack-up-the-hours, fight-tooth-and-nail defense like Mr. Chatwal did.

    Even in cities with robust public defense programs, like New York, lawyers may be handling as many as 100 cases at once, and they say there is little room to add shooting and editing videos to their schedules.

    “It’s hard for me to imagine that public defenders could possibly spare the time to do that,” said Josh Saunders, who until recently was a senior staff attorney at Brooklyn Defender Services, adding that lawyers there are often physically in court for the entire workday. He sees the humanizing potential of videos, he said, but “I would also be concerned that defendants with means would be able to put together a really nice package that my clients generally would not be able to.”
    Continue reading the main story Social biography video for Anthony — a remarkable young man who is sure to inspire anyone he comes across through his story of transformation, courage, and belief. Video by Silicon Valley De-Bug

    Mr. Jayadev’s nonprofit, Silicon Valley De-Bug, a criminal justice group and community center in San Jose, Calif., believes that videos are a new frontier in helping poor defendants, and is not only making videos but also encouraging defense lawyers nationwide to do the same. The group has made about 20 biographical videos for defendants, one featuring footage of the parking lot where a homeless teenage defendant grew up. With a $30,000 grant from the Open Society Foundation, De-Bug is now training public defenders around the country.

    Given that a defendant has a right to speak at sentencing, a video is on solid legal ground, said Walter Dickey, emeritus professor of law at the University of Wisconsin Law School, “though the judge can obviously limit what’s offered.” Professor Dickey said that because, at both the state and federal levels, the lengths of sentences are increasingly up to judges rather than mandated by statute, it followed that videos that “speak to the discretionary part” of sentencing were having a bigger role.

    Mr. Jayadev takes a standard approach to his projects: The producers identify the defendant’s past hardships and future prospects, then select supporters or family members to describe those, usually in a visual context, like a pastor in a church pew. Mr. Jayadev said he found it was more natural to have the defendant talking to someone off-screen, rather than staring at the camera.

    For Mr. Quijada, “this story is around this young man’s transformation from a life that had sort of run its course,” Mr. Jayadev said.

    Mr. Quijada, 23, a former gang member with some arrests as a teenager, was paralyzed from the waist down in a 2011 shooting. In 2013, he was arrested and charged with possessing an unregistered gun.

    For Mr. Quijada, a student at Gavilan College, a community college in Gilroy, a lot was riding on the video and his possible sentence.
    Photo
    Mr. Quijada in a hallway at the library. Credit Jim Wilson/The New York Times

    His lawyer, Lisa McCamey, had filed a motion requesting that his gun conviction be downgraded to a misdemeanor from a felony. If the judge acquiesced, Mr. Quijada could hold onto his Section 8 housing. If not, that benefit would be in jeopardy.

    In his wheelchair outside the life sciences building on campus, with Mr. Jayadev and his co-workers recording, Mr. Quijada gave a stiff explanation of how he wanted to reform himself and become a business lawyer.

    “You don’t have to give a speech, man,” Mr. Jayadev said kindly. “It doesn’t have to be formal.”

    “I’m driven to be commercially successful…” Mr. Quijada said, trying again.

    “Take a deep breath,” suggested Fernando Perez, a De-Bug staff member, looking into the view screen of his camera. “Relax.”

    Eventually, the videographers got the footage they were after, particularly when they followed Mr. Quijada to his small apartment. They filmed the collage that his sister made after their father died; they recorded his mother and sister talking about him as a child.

    A few weeks later, De-Bug completed the nine-minute video. It opens with Mr. Quijada at Gavilan, describing, over a light piano soundtrack, his coursework at the college. (Until recently, De-Bug made sentencing videos available at no cost. When demand surged, the group began to charge lawyers about $1,000 to $3,000 per video.)

    The videography is not perfect — there are some shots out of focus and some lighting miscues. But it gives a sense of Mr. Quijada’s life outside the courtroom.

    At Mr. Quijada’s sentencing, Judge Edward F. Lee of Santa Clara Superior Court said he had not looked at the video. He stepped away to watch it but made no mention of it after he returned to the bench.

    Rather, Judge Lee questioned what made this case different from Mr. Quijada’s previous arrests.

    “Because I wasn’t paralyzed, and I didn’t lose my father yet, and I didn’t realize that I don’t have other people to depend on anymore,” Mr. Quijada said.

    Judge Lee denied the motion to reduce the felony to a misdemeanor, and sentenced Mr. Quijada to 90 days in jail. “I don’t know if it made a difference to the judge or not,” Ms. McCamey said of the video. “It made a difference to everybody else.”

    LaDoris H. Cordell, a former state court judge in Santa Clara County who is now the independent police auditor in San Jose and who has seen some of Mr. Jayadev’s videos, said she would like them to be used more widely.

    “I’m very wary, and I was as a judge, of the double standard,” where wealthy defendants can afford resources that poorer defendants cannot, she said. “It is a problem, and what Raj is doing, these videos, is something that should be available to anyone who needs to have it done.”

    A prosecution, she said, “usually is a one-sided process, and now it’s like the scales are being balanced out.”